阅读下面材料．根据要求写作文。
东邻人家的岳母死了，殡葬的时候需要一篇祭文，这家人就托私塾的老师帮忙写一篇。塾师便从古本里规规矩矩地抄了一篇，没想到误抄了悼岳丈的祭文。葬礼正在进行的时候，识字的人发现这篇祭文完全弄错了。这一家人跑回私塾去责问老师。塾师解释说：“古本上的祭文是刊定的，无论如何不会错。只怕是你家死错了人。”
要求：请用规范的现代汉语写作。不要脱离材料的内容或含义，题目自拟，立意自定，观点明确，分析具体，条理清晰，语言流畅，不少于1000字。
用生活丰富教材 在传统教育观念影响下．相当一部分教师“以本(教材)为本”的意识十分顽固。正如材料中的私塾先生．把教材当“圣经”来使用，认为“书上有什么，我就讲什么；书上怎么写，我就怎么讲；写进书本的都是正确的。”他不会把书本的知识, 经过自己的处理，合理运用到生活中，以致在殡葬的时候出现了这场闹剧。我们现在有些教师也把自己束缚在教材中．对教材中每一个知识点都掰开揉碎，繁讲细讲。生怕有半点遗漏，认为只要把教材内容灌输给学生即可完成教学任务，课堂气氛单调、沉闷。
现代课程论强调课程是“教科书与其他教学材料、教师与学生、教学情景与教学环境”构成的复杂、开放的系统，因此教材是实施教育的主要课程资源，但不是唯一的课程资源。教材只是学生学习的一种材料而不是全部材料。新课改的精神告诉我们：教材应具有开放性和弹性，应有利于学生改变呆板的学习方式，引导学生观察、实践、收集资料、合作、探究、交流以及体验、感悟、反思等，从而实现其学习方式的多样化，拓展学生学习的空间。这些新的课程理念使我们重新认识教材的“法定”性质．只强调“教教材”是远远不够的．叶圣陶先生曾经指出“教材无非是个例子”。我们必须突破教材的禁锢，创造性地使用教材而不仅仅是教教材．应做教材的主人而不能沦落为教材的奴隶．既要运用教材又不拘泥于教材．既要凭借教材又不依赖于教材。
伟大教育家陶行知听到朋友的夫人责骂拆表的孩子之后。连连摇头说：“你打掉了一个‘爱迪生’。”他亲自到朋友家里把小孩领出来，带到修表店看师傅修表。陶行知对那位夫人说：“钟表店是学校，修表师傅是老师，一元六角钱是学费．在钟表店看一个多小时是上课，自己拆了装，装了拆是实践。做父母的与其让孩子挨打．还不如付出一点学费，花一点功夫，培养孩子好问、好动的兴趣。这样，‘爱迪生’才不会被打跑、赶走。”由此看出。只有将“生活”这本教材灵活地运用好，并将书本知识融汇其中．才能更形象直观地完成教学任务。
教师要敏锐地观察生活，善于用生活的内容、时代的“活水”来充实、丰富教材。教材只是课程资源的一部分，教师要摆脱教材的束缚，就应具备课程改革的意识和课程资源开发的能力。其实课程资源是丰富多彩的．包括学生的经验、生活的环境、教学设备设施、自然和社会资源、网络资源等等。只要我们留意生活、敏锐观察．丰富的生活积累将成为我们教学中信手拈来的课程资源。作为教师．只要我们摒弃传统“照本宣科”的教学观念，增强课程意识和课程资源开发能力，就一定能“化平庸为神奇”，使教材这一课程资源的价值得到“超水平”发挥。
The ritual of English tea time is believed to have originated in the late 1700's when Anna,Duchess of Bedford, ordered that a plate of cakes be sent up to her with her afternoon cup of tea. The Duchess chronically experienced a “sinking feeling” (what we would term “low blood sugar”) in the late afternoon. To tide her over the long hours between meals she turned to carbohydrates.
Other royals immediately copied the Duchess, and afternoon tea parties became quite fashionable. Low tables were set up in front of sofas and chairs, and the ladies found a new opportunity to show off pretty clothes, fine china, embroidered linen tablecloths and napkins, and silver tableware.
Tea time was also the time to exchange juicy gossip and serve refreshments. Soon darling little sandwiches and sweet pastries as well as scones were being arranged on decorative stands and plates for the ladies' pleasure. The tea party mania quickly spread across the Atlantic where tea was already enjoyed as a beverage. This fondness for tea was later suppressed by the patriotic Americans during the era immediately preceding the American Revolution because of the unreasonable British tax on tea. However, by April 27,1776, Congress announced in the Philadelphia Packet that “the drinking of tea can now be indulged.” The custom of afternoon tea parties was not really revived in this country, though, until the mid-1800's, when Victorian ways were in vogue here. Leisure-class American ladies began having “kettledrums” at 4 p.m.. “Kettledrums”was called that in connection with the term “teakettle” . Petits fours and other dainty delights were served amid Victorian opulence. A Victorian diarist, Maud Berkeley (Maud: The Illustrated Diary of a Victorian Woman,Chronicle Books,1987) gave an anecdote concerning tea time: "Mrs. Barnes had out a lovely tea-cloth for her tea-party, worked all over with cyclamens and honeysuckle. Shoggie Boucher, unused to such dainty, contrived to slop his tea all over it. Thankful it was not I. As it was, my new feather boa, which I wore for the first time, got into my teacup, causing much alarm and merriment to all assembled. Lilian Black-Barnes was, as ever, strong in adversity and wrung out the offending object in the kitchen sink. Fear it may never be the same again, none the less."
My family, mother, and I were able to relieve some of that sophisticated elegance (minus the drippy boa) when we had tea at the Ritz in London. The Palm Court, an open area on the ground floor of the hotel, is a study in turn-of-the-century decor. Gilt statuary, palms, and other plants, and stylishly-set little tables beckon welcomingly under high-up, rose-tinted skylights.
Our waiter brought us a selection of finger sandwiches of smoked salmon, ham, cucumber,Cheddar cheese, cream cheese, and chives, or egg salad. Scones (similar to American biscuits) were offered with butter, and various preserves and jellies. Along with this we were served Indian or China tea, and hot chocolate for my young daughter. Then the dapper waiter presented a vast tray holding many French pastries and cakes from which we could choose. After several teeny sandwiches and a couple of marmalade-coated scones, a chocolate eclair seemed to add carbohydrate overload to carbo-loading, but “when in England, do as the English do”. This tea feast was served between 3:30 and 5:30 p.m. Around 10:00 p.m., we had regained just enough appetite to sample some fish and chips (French fries), and then we put our weary stomachs and ourselves to bed.
Which of the following is not employed in the passage?
The ritual of English tea time is believed to have originated in the late 1700's when Anna,Duchess of Bedford, ordered that a plate of cakes be sent up to her with her afternoon cup of tea. The Duchess chronically experienced a “sinking feeling” (what we would term “low blood sugar”) in the late afternoon. To tide her over the long hours between meals she turned to carbohydrates.
Other royals immediately copied the Duchess, and afternoon tea parties became quite fashionable. Low tables were set up in front of sofas and chairs, and the ladies found a new opportunity to show off pretty clothes, fine china, embroidered linen tablecloths and napkins, and silver tableware.
Tea time was also the time to exchange juicy gossip and serve refreshments. Soon darling little sandwiches and sweet pastries as well as scones were being arranged on decorative stands and plates for the ladies' pleasure. The tea party mania quickly spread across the Atlantic where tea was already enjoyed as a beverage. This fondness for tea was later suppressed by the patriotic Americans during the era immediately preceding the American Revolution because of the unreasonable British tax on tea. However, by April 27,1776, Congress announced in the Philadelphia Packet that “the drinking of tea can now be indulged.” The custom of afternoon tea parties was not really revived in this country, though, until the mid-1800's, when Victorian ways were in vogue here. Leisure-class American ladies began having “kettledrums” at 4 p.m.. “Kettledrums”was called that in connection with the term “teakettle” . Petits fours and other dainty delights were served amid Victorian opulence. A Victorian diarist, Maud Berkeley (Maud: The Illustrated Diary of a Victorian Woman,Chronicle Books,1987) gave an anecdote concerning tea time: "Mrs. Barnes had out a lovely tea-cloth for her tea-party, worked all over with cyclamens and honeysuckle. Shoggie Boucher, unused to such dainty, contrived to slop his tea all over it. Thankful it was not I. As it was, my new feather boa, which I wore for the first time, got into my teacup, causing much alarm and merriment to all assembled. Lilian Black-Barnes was, as ever, strong in adversity and wrung out the offending object in the kitchen sink. Fear it may never be the same again, none the less."
My family, mother, and I were able to relieve some of that sophisticated elegance (minus the drippy boa) when we had tea at the Ritz in London. The Palm Court, an open area on the ground floor of the hotel, is a study in turn-of-the-century decor. Gilt statuary, palms, and other plants, and stylishly-set little tables beckon welcomingly under high-up, rose-tinted skylights.
Our waiter brought us a selection of finger sandwiches of smoked salmon, ham, cucumber,Cheddar cheese, cream cheese, and chives, or egg salad. Scones (similar to American biscuits) were offered with butter, and various preserves and jellies. Along with this we were served Indian or China tea, and hot chocolate for my young daughter. Then the dapper waiter presented a vast tray holding many French pastries and cakes from which we could choose. After several teeny sandwiches and a couple of marmalade-coated scones, a chocolate eclair seemed to add carbohydrate overload to carbo-loading, but “when in England, do as the English do”. This tea feast was served between 3:30 and 5:30 p.m. Around 10:00 p.m., we had regained just enough appetite to sample some fish and chips (French fries), and then we put our weary stomachs and ourselves to bed.
Which of the following is close in meaning to the underlined word “weary” in the last paragraph?
The ritual of English tea time is believed to have originated in the late 1700's when Anna,Duchess of Bedford, ordered that a plate of cakes be sent up to her with her afternoon cup of tea. The Duchess chronically experienced a “sinking feeling” (what we would term “low blood sugar”) in the late afternoon. To tide her over the long hours between meals she turned to carbohydrates.
Other royals immediately copied the Duchess, and afternoon tea parties became quite fashionable. Low tables were set up in front of sofas and chairs, and the ladies found a new opportunity to show off pretty clothes, fine china, embroidered linen tablecloths and napkins, and silver tableware.
Tea time was also the time to exchange juicy gossip and serve refreshments. Soon darling little sandwiches and sweet pastries as well as scones were being arranged on decorative stands and plates for the ladies' pleasure. The tea party mania quickly spread across the Atlantic where tea was already enjoyed as a beverage. This fondness for tea was later suppressed by the patriotic Americans during the era immediately preceding the American Revolution because of the unreasonable British tax on tea. However, by April 27,1776, Congress announced in the Philadelphia Packet that “the drinking of tea can now be indulged.” The custom of afternoon tea parties was not really revived in this country, though, until the mid-1800's, when Victorian ways were in vogue here. Leisure-class American ladies began having “kettledrums” at 4 p.m.. “Kettledrums”was called that in connection with the term “teakettle” . Petits fours and other dainty delights were served amid Victorian opulence. A Victorian diarist, Maud Berkeley (Maud: The Illustrated Diary of a Victorian Woman,Chronicle Books,1987) gave an anecdote concerning tea time: "Mrs. Barnes had out a lovely tea-cloth for her tea-party, worked all over with cyclamens and honeysuckle. Shoggie Boucher, unused to such dainty, contrived to slop his tea all over it. Thankful it was not I. As it was, my new feather boa, which I wore for the first time, got into my teacup, causing much alarm and merriment to all assembled. Lilian Black-Barnes was, as ever, strong in adversity and wrung out the offending object in the kitchen sink. Fear it may never be the same again, none the less."
My family, mother, and I were able to relieve some of that sophisticated elegance (minus the drippy boa) when we had tea at the Ritz in London. The Palm Court, an open area on the ground floor of the hotel, is a study in turn-of-the-century decor. Gilt statuary, palms, and other plants, and stylishly-set little tables beckon welcomingly under high-up, rose-tinted skylights.
Our waiter brought us a selection of finger sandwiches of smoked salmon, ham, cucumber,Cheddar cheese, cream cheese, and chives, or egg salad. Scones (similar to American biscuits) were offered with butter, and various preserves and jellies. Along with this we were served Indian or China tea, and hot chocolate for my young daughter. Then the dapper waiter presented a vast tray holding many French pastries and cakes from which we could choose. After several teeny sandwiches and a couple of marmalade-coated scones, a chocolate eclair seemed to add carbohydrate overload to carbo-loading, but “when in England, do as the English do”. This tea feast was served between 3:30 and 5:30 p.m. Around 10:00 p.m., we had regained just enough appetite to sample some fish and chips (French fries), and then we put our weary stomachs and ourselves to bed.
Why does the author quote Maud Berkeley in the passage?
The ritual of English tea time is believed to have originated in the late 1700's when Anna,Duchess of Bedford, ordered that a plate of cakes be sent up to her with her afternoon cup of tea. The Duchess chronically experienced a “sinking feeling” (what we would term “low blood sugar”) in the late afternoon. To tide her over the long hours between meals she turned to carbohydrates.
Other royals immediately copied the Duchess, and afternoon tea parties became quite fashionable. Low tables were set up in front of sofas and chairs, and the ladies found a new opportunity to show off pretty clothes, fine china, embroidered linen tablecloths and napkins, and silver tableware.
Tea time was also the time to exchange juicy gossip and serve refreshments. Soon darling little sandwiches and sweet pastries as well as scones were being arranged on decorative stands and plates for the ladies' pleasure. The tea party mania quickly spread across the Atlantic where tea was already enjoyed as a beverage. This fondness for tea was later suppressed by the patriotic Americans during the era immediately preceding the American Revolution because of the unreasonable British tax on tea. However, by April 27,1776, Congress announced in the Philadelphia Packet that “the drinking of tea can now be indulged.” The custom of afternoon tea parties was not really revived in this country, though, until the mid-1800's, when Victorian ways were in vogue here. Leisure-class American ladies began having “kettledrums” at 4 p.m.. “Kettledrums”was called that in connection with the term “teakettle” . Petits fours and other dainty delights were served amid Victorian opulence. A Victorian diarist, Maud Berkeley (Maud: The Illustrated Diary of a Victorian Woman,Chronicle Books,1987) gave an anecdote concerning tea time: "Mrs. Barnes had out a lovely tea-cloth for her tea-party, worked all over with cyclamens and honeysuckle. Shoggie Boucher, unused to such dainty, contrived to slop his tea all over it. Thankful it was not I. As it was, my new feather boa, which I wore for the first time, got into my teacup, causing much alarm and merriment to all assembled. Lilian Black-Barnes was, as ever, strong in adversity and wrung out the offending object in the kitchen sink. Fear it may never be the same again, none the less."
My family, mother, and I were able to relieve some of that sophisticated elegance (minus the drippy boa) when we had tea at the Ritz in London. The Palm Court, an open area on the ground floor of the hotel, is a study in turn-of-the-century decor. Gilt statuary, palms, and other plants, and stylishly-set little tables beckon welcomingly under high-up, rose-tinted skylights.
Our waiter brought us a selection of finger sandwiches of smoked salmon, ham, cucumber,Cheddar cheese, cream cheese, and chives, or egg salad. Scones (similar to American biscuits) were offered with butter, and various preserves and jellies. Along with this we were served Indian or China tea, and hot chocolate for my young daughter. Then the dapper waiter presented a vast tray holding many French pastries and cakes from which we could choose. After several teeny sandwiches and a couple of marmalade-coated scones, a chocolate eclair seemed to add carbohydrate overload to carbo-loading, but “when in England, do as the English do”. This tea feast was served between 3:30 and 5:30 p.m. Around 10:00 p.m., we had regained just enough appetite to sample some fish and chips (French fries), and then we put our weary stomachs and ourselves to bed.
Which of the following is a typical feature of Victorian tea time?
The ritual of English tea time is believed to have originated in the late 1700's when Anna,Duchess of Bedford, ordered that a plate of cakes be sent up to her with her afternoon cup of tea. The Duchess chronically experienced a “sinking feeling” (what we would term “low blood sugar”) in the late afternoon. To tide her over the long hours between meals she turned to carbohydrates.
Other royals immediately copied the Duchess, and afternoon tea parties became quite fashionable. Low tables were set up in front of sofas and chairs, and the ladies found a new opportunity to show off pretty clothes, fine china, embroidered linen tablecloths and napkins, and silver tableware.
Tea time was also the time to exchange juicy gossip and serve refreshments. Soon darling little sandwiches and sweet pastries as well as scones were being arranged on decorative stands and plates for the ladies' pleasure. The tea party mania quickly spread across the Atlantic where tea was already enjoyed as a beverage. This fondness for tea was later suppressed by the patriotic Americans during the era immediately preceding the American Revolution because of the unreasonable British tax on tea. However, by April 27,1776, Congress announced in the Philadelphia Packet that “the drinking of tea can now be indulged.” The custom of afternoon tea parties was not really revived in this country, though, until the mid-1800's, when Victorian ways were in vogue here. Leisure-class American ladies began having “kettledrums” at 4 p.m.. “Kettledrums”was called that in connection with the term “teakettle” . Petits fours and other dainty delights were served amid Victorian opulence. A Victorian diarist, Maud Berkeley (Maud: The Illustrated Diary of a Victorian Woman,Chronicle Books,1987) gave an anecdote concerning tea time: "Mrs. Barnes had out a lovely tea-cloth for her tea-party, worked all over with cyclamens and honeysuckle. Shoggie Boucher, unused to such dainty, contrived to slop his tea all over it. Thankful it was not I. As it was, my new feather boa, which I wore for the first time, got into my teacup, causing much alarm and merriment to all assembled. Lilian Black-Barnes was, as ever, strong in adversity and wrung out the offending object in the kitchen sink. Fear it may never be the same again, none the less."
My family, mother, and I were able to relieve some of that sophisticated elegance (minus the drippy boa) when we had tea at the Ritz in London. The Palm Court, an open area on the ground floor of the hotel, is a study in turn-of-the-century decor. Gilt statuary, palms, and other plants, and stylishly-set little tables beckon welcomingly under high-up, rose-tinted skylights.
Our waiter brought us a selection of finger sandwiches of smoked salmon, ham, cucumber,Cheddar cheese, cream cheese, and chives, or egg salad. Scones (similar to American biscuits) were offered with butter, and various preserves and jellies. Along with this we were served Indian or China tea, and hot chocolate for my young daughter. Then the dapper waiter presented a vast tray holding many French pastries and cakes from which we could choose. After several teeny sandwiches and a couple of marmalade-coated scones, a chocolate eclair seemed to add carbohydrate overload to carbo-loading, but “when in England, do as the English do”. This tea feast was served between 3:30 and 5:30 p.m. Around 10:00 p.m., we had regained just enough appetite to sample some fish and chips (French fries), and then we put our weary stomachs and ourselves to bed.
What can be inferred about the writer's opinion concerning what is served at the British teatime?
There are two kinds of motive for engaging in any activity: internal and instrumental. If a scientist conducts research because she wants to discover important facts about the world, that's an internal motive, since discovering facts is inherently related to the activity of research. If she conducts research because she wants to achieve scholarly renown, that's an instrumental motive, since the relation between fame and research is not so inherent. Often, people have both for doing things. What mix of motives--internal or instrumental or both--is most conducive to success? You might suppose that a scientist motivated by a desire to discover facts and by a desire to achieve renown will do better work than a scientist motivated by just one of those desires. Surely two motives are better than one. But as we and our colleagues argue in a paper newly published in the Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, instrumental motives are not always an asset and can actually be counterproductive to success. We analyzed data drawn from 11320 cadets in nine entering classes at the United States Military Academy at West Point, all of whom rated how much each of a set of motives influenced their decision to attend the academy. The motives included things like a desire to get a good job later in life and a desire to be trained as a leader in the United States Army
How did the cadets fare years later? How did their progress relate to their original motives for attending West Point? We found, unsurprisingly, that the stronger their internal reasons were to attend West Point, the more likely cadets were to graduate and become commissioned officers. Also unsurprisingly, cadets with internal motives did better in the military (as evidenced by early promotion recommendations)than did those without internal motives and were also more likely to stay in the military after their five years of mandatory service. Remarkably, cadets with strong internal and strong instrumental motives for attending West Point performed worse on every measure than did those with strong internal motives but weak instrumental ones. They were less likely to graduate, less outstanding as military officers and less committed to staying in the military. Our study suggests that efforts should be made to structure activities so that instrumental consequences do not become motives. Helping people focus on the meaning and impact of their work, rather than on, say, the financial returns it will bring, may be the best way to improve not only the quality of their work but also their financial success. There is a temptation among educators and instructors to use whatever motivational tools are available to recruit participants or improve performance. If the desire for military excellence and service to country fails to attract all the recruits that the Army needs, then perhaps appeals to “money for collegecareer training” or “seeing the world”will do the job. While this strategy may lure more recruits, it may also yield worse soldiers. Similarly, for students uninterested in learning,financial incentives for good attendance or pizza parties for high performance may prompt them to participate, but it may result in less well-educated students.
What can be the best title for the article?
There are two kinds of motive for engaging in any activity: internal and instrumental. If a scientist conducts research because she wants to discover important facts about the world, that's an internal motive, since discovering facts is inherently related to the activity of research. If she conducts research because she wants to achieve scholarly renown, that's an instrumental motive, since the relation between fame and research is not so inherent. Often, people have both for doing things. What mix of motives--internal or instrumental or both--is most conducive to success? You might suppose that a scientist motivated by a desire to discover facts and by a desire to achieve renown will do better work than a scientist motivated by just one of those desires. Surely two motives are better than one. But as we and our colleagues argue in a paper newly published in the Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, instrumental motives are not always an asset and can actually be counterproductive to success. We analyzed data drawn from 11320 cadets in nine entering classes at the United States Military Academy at West Point, all of whom rated how much each of a set of motives influenced their decision to attend the academy. The motives included things like a desire to get a good job later in life and a desire to be trained as a leader in the United States Army
How did the cadets fare years later? How did their progress relate to their original motives for attending West Point? We found, unsurprisingly, that the stronger their internal reasons were to attend West Point, the more likely cadets were to graduate and become commissioned officers. Also unsurprisingly, cadets with internal motives did better in the military (as evidenced by early promotion recommendations)than did those without internal motives and were also more likely to stay in the military after their five years of mandatory service. Remarkably, cadets with strong internal and strong instrumental motives for attending West Point performed worse on every measure than did those with strong internal motives but weak instrumental ones. They were less likely to graduate, less outstanding as military officers and less committed to staying in the military. Our study suggests that efforts should be made to structure activities so that instrumental consequences do not become motives. Helping people focus on the meaning and impact of their work, rather than on, say, the financial returns it will bring, may be the best way to improve not only the quality of their work but also their financial success. There is a temptation among educators and instructors to use whatever motivational tools are available to recruit participants or improve performance. If the desire for military excellence and service to country fails to attract all the recruits that the Army needs, then perhaps appeals to “money for collegecareer training” or “seeing the world”will do the job. While this strategy may lure more recruits, it may also yield worse soldiers. Similarly, for students uninterested in learning,financial incentives for good attendance or pizza parties for high performance may prompt them to participate, but it may result in less well-educated students.
What do the writers disapprove concerning the current situation of attracting recruits?
There are two kinds of motive for engaging in any activity: internal and instrumental. If a scientist conducts research because she wants to discover important facts about the world, that's an internal motive, since discovering facts is inherently related to the activity of research. If she conducts research because she wants to achieve scholarly renown, that's an instrumental motive, since the relation between fame and research is not so inherent. Often, people have both for doing things. What mix of motives--internal or instrumental or both--is most conducive to success? You might suppose that a scientist motivated by a desire to discover facts and by a desire to achieve renown will do better work than a scientist motivated by just one of those desires. Surely two motives are better than one. But as we and our colleagues argue in a paper newly published in the Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, instrumental motives are not always an asset and can actually be counterproductive to success. We analyzed data drawn from 11320 cadets in nine entering classes at the United States Military Academy at West Point, all of whom rated how much each of a set of motives influenced their decision to attend the academy. The motives included things like a desire to get a good job later in life and a desire to be trained as a leader in the United States Army
How did the cadets fare years later? How did their progress relate to their original motives for attending West Point? We found, unsurprisingly, that the stronger their internal reasons were to attend West Point, the more likely cadets were to graduate and become commissioned officers. Also unsurprisingly, cadets with internal motives did better in the military (as evidenced by early promotion recommendations)than did those without internal motives and were also more likely to stay in the military after their five years of mandatory service. Remarkably, cadets with strong internal and strong instrumental motives for attending West Point performed worse on every measure than did those with strong internal motives but weak instrumental ones. They were less likely to graduate, less outstanding as military officers and less committed to staying in the military. Our study suggests that efforts should be made to structure activities so that instrumental consequences do not become motives. Helping people focus on the meaning and impact of their work, rather than on, say, the financial returns it will bring, may be the best way to improve not only the quality of their work but also their financial success. There is a temptation among educators and instructors to use whatever motivational tools are available to recruit participants or improve performance. If the desire for military excellence and service to country fails to attract all the recruits that the Army needs, then perhaps appeals to “money for collegecareer training” or “seeing the world”will do the job. While this strategy may lure more recruits, it may also yield worse soldiers. Similarly, for students uninterested in learning,financial incentives for good attendance or pizza parties for high performance may prompt them to participate, but it may result in less well-educated students.
According to the passage, which of the following is conducive to career success?
There are two kinds of motive for engaging in any activity: internal and instrumental. If a scientist conducts research because she wants to discover important facts about the world, that's an internal motive, since discovering facts is inherently related to the activity of research. If she conducts research because she wants to achieve scholarly renown, that's an instrumental motive, since the relation between fame and research is not so inherent. Often, people have both for doing things. What mix of motives--internal or instrumental or both--is most conducive to success? You might suppose that a scientist motivated by a desire to discover facts and by a desire to achieve renown will do better work than a scientist motivated by just one of those desires. Surely two motives are better than one. But as we and our colleagues argue in a paper newly published in the Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, instrumental motives are not always an asset and can actually be counterproductive to success. We analyzed data drawn from 11320 cadets in nine entering classes at the United States Military Academy at West Point, all of whom rated how much each of a set of motives influenced their decision to attend the academy. The motives included things like a desire to get a good job later in life and a desire to be trained as a leader in the United States Army
How did the cadets fare years later? How did their progress relate to their original motives for attending West Point? We found, unsurprisingly, that the stronger their internal reasons were to attend West Point, the more likely cadets were to graduate and become commissioned officers. Also unsurprisingly, cadets with internal motives did better in the military (as evidenced by early promotion recommendations)than did those without internal motives and were also more likely to stay in the military after their five years of mandatory service. Remarkably, cadets with strong internal and strong instrumental motives for attending West Point performed worse on every measure than did those with strong internal motives but weak instrumental ones. They were less likely to graduate, less outstanding as military officers and less committed to staying in the military. Our study suggests that efforts should be made to structure activities so that instrumental consequences do not become motives. Helping people focus on the meaning and impact of their work, rather than on, say, the financial returns it will bring, may be the best way to improve not only the quality of their work but also their financial success. There is a temptation among educators and instructors to use whatever motivational tools are available to recruit participants or improve performance. If the desire for military excellence and service to country fails to attract all the recruits that the Army needs, then perhaps appeals to “money for collegecareer training” or “seeing the world”will do the job. While this strategy may lure more recruits, it may also yield worse soldiers. Similarly, for students uninterested in learning,financial incentives for good attendance or pizza parties for high performance may prompt them to participate, but it may result in less well-educated students.
Which of the following is closest in meaning to the underlined word “cadets” in Paragraph 3?
There are two kinds of motive for engaging in any activity: internal and instrumental. If a scientist conducts research because she wants to discover important facts about the world, that's an internal motive, since discovering facts is inherently related to the activity of research. If she conducts research because she wants to achieve scholarly renown, that's an instrumental motive, since the relation between fame and research is not so inherent. Often, people have both for doing things. What mix of motives--internal or instrumental or both--is most conducive to success? You might suppose that a scientist motivated by a desire to discover facts and by a desire to achieve renown will do better work than a scientist motivated by just one of those desires. Surely two motives are better than one. But as we and our colleagues argue in a paper newly published in the Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, instrumental motives are not always an asset and can actually be counterproductive to success. We analyzed data drawn from 11320 cadets in nine entering classes at the United States Military Academy at West Point, all of whom rated how much each of a set of motives influenced their decision to attend the academy. The motives included things like a desire to get a good job later in life and a desire to be trained as a leader in the United States Army
How did the cadets fare years later? How did their progress relate to their original motives for attending West Point? We found, unsurprisingly, that the stronger their internal reasons were to attend West Point, the more likely cadets were to graduate and become commissioned officers. Also unsurprisingly, cadets with internal motives did better in the military (as evidenced by early promotion recommendations)than did those without internal motives and were also more likely to stay in the military after their five years of mandatory service. Remarkably, cadets with strong internal and strong instrumental motives for attending West Point performed worse on every measure than did those with strong internal motives but weak instrumental ones. They were less likely to graduate, less outstanding as military officers and less committed to staying in the military. Our study suggests that efforts should be made to structure activities so that instrumental consequences do not become motives. Helping people focus on the meaning and impact of their work, rather than on, say, the financial returns it will bring, may be the best way to improve not only the quality of their work but also their financial success. There is a temptation among educators and instructors to use whatever motivational tools are available to recruit participants or improve performance. If the desire for military excellence and service to country fails to attract all the recruits that the Army needs, then perhaps appeals to “money for collegecareer training” or “seeing the world”will do the job. While this strategy may lure more recruits, it may also yield worse soldiers. Similarly, for students uninterested in learning,financial incentives for good attendance or pizza parties for high performance may prompt them to participate, but it may result in less well-educated students.
According to the passage, which of the following is an internal motive for a newly recruited soldier?
