材料：
学校组织秋游，关老师带领学生到动物园参观。大家参观猴山时发现老猴子抢小猴子的东西吃，于是纷纷议论道：“老猴子怎么抢小猴子的东西吃呢”“它怎么不爱护小猴子呢”“猴子又不是人。“人有时候也会抢东西吃。”……听着同学们的议论，关老师若有所思。
返校后，关老师组织全班同学进行讨论，同学们踊跃发言。
“老猴子抢小猴子东西吃就是不对。”
“《动物世界》里面说，这是动物的生存竞争，属于动物的本能，无所谓好坏。”
“动物间可以这样，我们人可不能这样!”
关老师赞同道：“对!动物之间可以抢东西吃，而人不能，因为人类社会是讲文明的。我们要尊老爱幼。”
小松站起来追问道：“有的人捕杀猴子，卖到酒店去。他们这样做，对吗”
关老师回答：“他们这样做是不对的。爱护动物是我们每一个人的责任。我们不能仅停留在保护动物的口号上，而应思考如何与动物和谐相处，做一个负责任、有爱心的人。”
问题：
请结合材料，从教师职业道德的角度，评析关老师的教育行为。
关老师的行为是正确的，符合教师职业道德的要求。 首先，关老师的行为体现了“教书育人”的基本要求。即教师要循循善诱，诲人不倦，因材施教。培养学生良好品行，激发学生创新精神，促进学生全面发展。材料中，关老师面对学生在动物园参观中的疑问，在返校后组织学生讨论，一方面教育学生要讲文明、尊老爱幼；另一方面总结出爱护动物，与动物和谐相处不只是口号，引导学生做一个负责任、有爱心的人。
其次，关老师的行为体现了“终身学习”的基本要求。即教师要潜心钻研业务，勇于探索创新。材料中，面对学生的疑问。教师没有进行说教，而是思索后组织学生自由讨论。
最后，关老师的行为体现了“关爱学生”的基本要求。即教师要尊重学生人格，平等公正地对待学生。对学生严慈相济。做学生的良师益友。材料中，关老师对于学生不同的答案并没有给予否定，而是给予了尊重和赞同，维护了学生参与课堂的积极性，尊重了学生的人格。
因此，教师在教学中要遵循教师职业道德的要求，认真反思，尊重学生的人格，培养学生的良好品德。
The ritual of English tea time is believed to have originated in the late 1700's when Anna,Duchess of Bedford, ordered that a plate of cakes be sent up to her with her afternoon cup of tea. The Duchess chronically experienced a “sinking feeling” (what we would term “low blood sugar”) in the late afternoon. To tide her over the long hours between meals she turned to carbohydrates.
Other royals immediately copied the Duchess, and afternoon tea parties became quite fashionable. Low tables were set up in front of sofas and chairs, and the ladies found a new opportunity to show off pretty clothes, fine china, embroidered linen tablecloths and napkins, and silver tableware.
Tea time was also the time to exchange juicy gossip and serve refreshments. Soon darling little sandwiches and sweet pastries as well as scones were being arranged on decorative stands and plates for the ladies' pleasure. The tea party mania quickly spread across the Atlantic where tea was already enjoyed as a beverage. This fondness for tea was later suppressed by the patriotic Americans during the era immediately preceding the American Revolution because of the unreasonable British tax on tea. However, by April 27,1776, Congress announced in the Philadelphia Packet that “the drinking of tea can now be indulged.” The custom of afternoon tea parties was not really revived in this country, though, until the mid-1800's, when Victorian ways were in vogue here. Leisure-class American ladies began having “kettledrums” at 4 p.m.. “Kettledrums”was called that in connection with the term “teakettle” . Petits fours and other dainty delights were served amid Victorian opulence. A Victorian diarist, Maud Berkeley (Maud: The Illustrated Diary of a Victorian Woman,Chronicle Books,1987) gave an anecdote concerning tea time: "Mrs. Barnes had out a lovely tea-cloth for her tea-party, worked all over with cyclamens and honeysuckle. Shoggie Boucher, unused to such dainty, contrived to slop his tea all over it. Thankful it was not I. As it was, my new feather boa, which I wore for the first time, got into my teacup, causing much alarm and merriment to all assembled. Lilian Black-Barnes was, as ever, strong in adversity and wrung out the offending object in the kitchen sink. Fear it may never be the same again, none the less."
My family, mother, and I were able to relieve some of that sophisticated elegance (minus the drippy boa) when we had tea at the Ritz in London. The Palm Court, an open area on the ground floor of the hotel, is a study in turn-of-the-century decor. Gilt statuary, palms, and other plants, and stylishly-set little tables beckon welcomingly under high-up, rose-tinted skylights.
Our waiter brought us a selection of finger sandwiches of smoked salmon, ham, cucumber,Cheddar cheese, cream cheese, and chives, or egg salad. Scones (similar to American biscuits) were offered with butter, and various preserves and jellies. Along with this we were served Indian or China tea, and hot chocolate for my young daughter. Then the dapper waiter presented a vast tray holding many French pastries and cakes from which we could choose. After several teeny sandwiches and a couple of marmalade-coated scones, a chocolate eclair seemed to add carbohydrate overload to carbo-loading, but “when in England, do as the English do”. This tea feast was served between 3:30 and 5:30 p.m. Around 10:00 p.m., we had regained just enough appetite to sample some fish and chips (French fries), and then we put our weary stomachs and ourselves to bed.
Which of the following is not employed in the passage?
The ritual of English tea time is believed to have originated in the late 1700's when Anna,Duchess of Bedford, ordered that a plate of cakes be sent up to her with her afternoon cup of tea. The Duchess chronically experienced a “sinking feeling” (what we would term “low blood sugar”) in the late afternoon. To tide her over the long hours between meals she turned to carbohydrates.
Other royals immediately copied the Duchess, and afternoon tea parties became quite fashionable. Low tables were set up in front of sofas and chairs, and the ladies found a new opportunity to show off pretty clothes, fine china, embroidered linen tablecloths and napkins, and silver tableware.
Tea time was also the time to exchange juicy gossip and serve refreshments. Soon darling little sandwiches and sweet pastries as well as scones were being arranged on decorative stands and plates for the ladies' pleasure. The tea party mania quickly spread across the Atlantic where tea was already enjoyed as a beverage. This fondness for tea was later suppressed by the patriotic Americans during the era immediately preceding the American Revolution because of the unreasonable British tax on tea. However, by April 27,1776, Congress announced in the Philadelphia Packet that “the drinking of tea can now be indulged.” The custom of afternoon tea parties was not really revived in this country, though, until the mid-1800's, when Victorian ways were in vogue here. Leisure-class American ladies began having “kettledrums” at 4 p.m.. “Kettledrums”was called that in connection with the term “teakettle” . Petits fours and other dainty delights were served amid Victorian opulence. A Victorian diarist, Maud Berkeley (Maud: The Illustrated Diary of a Victorian Woman,Chronicle Books,1987) gave an anecdote concerning tea time: "Mrs. Barnes had out a lovely tea-cloth for her tea-party, worked all over with cyclamens and honeysuckle. Shoggie Boucher, unused to such dainty, contrived to slop his tea all over it. Thankful it was not I. As it was, my new feather boa, which I wore for the first time, got into my teacup, causing much alarm and merriment to all assembled. Lilian Black-Barnes was, as ever, strong in adversity and wrung out the offending object in the kitchen sink. Fear it may never be the same again, none the less."
My family, mother, and I were able to relieve some of that sophisticated elegance (minus the drippy boa) when we had tea at the Ritz in London. The Palm Court, an open area on the ground floor of the hotel, is a study in turn-of-the-century decor. Gilt statuary, palms, and other plants, and stylishly-set little tables beckon welcomingly under high-up, rose-tinted skylights.
Our waiter brought us a selection of finger sandwiches of smoked salmon, ham, cucumber,Cheddar cheese, cream cheese, and chives, or egg salad. Scones (similar to American biscuits) were offered with butter, and various preserves and jellies. Along with this we were served Indian or China tea, and hot chocolate for my young daughter. Then the dapper waiter presented a vast tray holding many French pastries and cakes from which we could choose. After several teeny sandwiches and a couple of marmalade-coated scones, a chocolate eclair seemed to add carbohydrate overload to carbo-loading, but “when in England, do as the English do”. This tea feast was served between 3:30 and 5:30 p.m. Around 10:00 p.m., we had regained just enough appetite to sample some fish and chips (French fries), and then we put our weary stomachs and ourselves to bed.
Which of the following is close in meaning to the underlined word “weary” in the last paragraph?
The ritual of English tea time is believed to have originated in the late 1700's when Anna,Duchess of Bedford, ordered that a plate of cakes be sent up to her with her afternoon cup of tea. The Duchess chronically experienced a “sinking feeling” (what we would term “low blood sugar”) in the late afternoon. To tide her over the long hours between meals she turned to carbohydrates.
Other royals immediately copied the Duchess, and afternoon tea parties became quite fashionable. Low tables were set up in front of sofas and chairs, and the ladies found a new opportunity to show off pretty clothes, fine china, embroidered linen tablecloths and napkins, and silver tableware.
Tea time was also the time to exchange juicy gossip and serve refreshments. Soon darling little sandwiches and sweet pastries as well as scones were being arranged on decorative stands and plates for the ladies' pleasure. The tea party mania quickly spread across the Atlantic where tea was already enjoyed as a beverage. This fondness for tea was later suppressed by the patriotic Americans during the era immediately preceding the American Revolution because of the unreasonable British tax on tea. However, by April 27,1776, Congress announced in the Philadelphia Packet that “the drinking of tea can now be indulged.” The custom of afternoon tea parties was not really revived in this country, though, until the mid-1800's, when Victorian ways were in vogue here. Leisure-class American ladies began having “kettledrums” at 4 p.m.. “Kettledrums”was called that in connection with the term “teakettle” . Petits fours and other dainty delights were served amid Victorian opulence. A Victorian diarist, Maud Berkeley (Maud: The Illustrated Diary of a Victorian Woman,Chronicle Books,1987) gave an anecdote concerning tea time: "Mrs. Barnes had out a lovely tea-cloth for her tea-party, worked all over with cyclamens and honeysuckle. Shoggie Boucher, unused to such dainty, contrived to slop his tea all over it. Thankful it was not I. As it was, my new feather boa, which I wore for the first time, got into my teacup, causing much alarm and merriment to all assembled. Lilian Black-Barnes was, as ever, strong in adversity and wrung out the offending object in the kitchen sink. Fear it may never be the same again, none the less."
My family, mother, and I were able to relieve some of that sophisticated elegance (minus the drippy boa) when we had tea at the Ritz in London. The Palm Court, an open area on the ground floor of the hotel, is a study in turn-of-the-century decor. Gilt statuary, palms, and other plants, and stylishly-set little tables beckon welcomingly under high-up, rose-tinted skylights.
Our waiter brought us a selection of finger sandwiches of smoked salmon, ham, cucumber,Cheddar cheese, cream cheese, and chives, or egg salad. Scones (similar to American biscuits) were offered with butter, and various preserves and jellies. Along with this we were served Indian or China tea, and hot chocolate for my young daughter. Then the dapper waiter presented a vast tray holding many French pastries and cakes from which we could choose. After several teeny sandwiches and a couple of marmalade-coated scones, a chocolate eclair seemed to add carbohydrate overload to carbo-loading, but “when in England, do as the English do”. This tea feast was served between 3:30 and 5:30 p.m. Around 10:00 p.m., we had regained just enough appetite to sample some fish and chips (French fries), and then we put our weary stomachs and ourselves to bed.
Why does the author quote Maud Berkeley in the passage?
The ritual of English tea time is believed to have originated in the late 1700's when Anna,Duchess of Bedford, ordered that a plate of cakes be sent up to her with her afternoon cup of tea. The Duchess chronically experienced a “sinking feeling” (what we would term “low blood sugar”) in the late afternoon. To tide her over the long hours between meals she turned to carbohydrates.
Other royals immediately copied the Duchess, and afternoon tea parties became quite fashionable. Low tables were set up in front of sofas and chairs, and the ladies found a new opportunity to show off pretty clothes, fine china, embroidered linen tablecloths and napkins, and silver tableware.
Tea time was also the time to exchange juicy gossip and serve refreshments. Soon darling little sandwiches and sweet pastries as well as scones were being arranged on decorative stands and plates for the ladies' pleasure. The tea party mania quickly spread across the Atlantic where tea was already enjoyed as a beverage. This fondness for tea was later suppressed by the patriotic Americans during the era immediately preceding the American Revolution because of the unreasonable British tax on tea. However, by April 27,1776, Congress announced in the Philadelphia Packet that “the drinking of tea can now be indulged.” The custom of afternoon tea parties was not really revived in this country, though, until the mid-1800's, when Victorian ways were in vogue here. Leisure-class American ladies began having “kettledrums” at 4 p.m.. “Kettledrums”was called that in connection with the term “teakettle” . Petits fours and other dainty delights were served amid Victorian opulence. A Victorian diarist, Maud Berkeley (Maud: The Illustrated Diary of a Victorian Woman,Chronicle Books,1987) gave an anecdote concerning tea time: "Mrs. Barnes had out a lovely tea-cloth for her tea-party, worked all over with cyclamens and honeysuckle. Shoggie Boucher, unused to such dainty, contrived to slop his tea all over it. Thankful it was not I. As it was, my new feather boa, which I wore for the first time, got into my teacup, causing much alarm and merriment to all assembled. Lilian Black-Barnes was, as ever, strong in adversity and wrung out the offending object in the kitchen sink. Fear it may never be the same again, none the less."
My family, mother, and I were able to relieve some of that sophisticated elegance (minus the drippy boa) when we had tea at the Ritz in London. The Palm Court, an open area on the ground floor of the hotel, is a study in turn-of-the-century decor. Gilt statuary, palms, and other plants, and stylishly-set little tables beckon welcomingly under high-up, rose-tinted skylights.
Our waiter brought us a selection of finger sandwiches of smoked salmon, ham, cucumber,Cheddar cheese, cream cheese, and chives, or egg salad. Scones (similar to American biscuits) were offered with butter, and various preserves and jellies. Along with this we were served Indian or China tea, and hot chocolate for my young daughter. Then the dapper waiter presented a vast tray holding many French pastries and cakes from which we could choose. After several teeny sandwiches and a couple of marmalade-coated scones, a chocolate eclair seemed to add carbohydrate overload to carbo-loading, but “when in England, do as the English do”. This tea feast was served between 3:30 and 5:30 p.m. Around 10:00 p.m., we had regained just enough appetite to sample some fish and chips (French fries), and then we put our weary stomachs and ourselves to bed.
Which of the following is a typical feature of Victorian tea time?
The ritual of English tea time is believed to have originated in the late 1700's when Anna,Duchess of Bedford, ordered that a plate of cakes be sent up to her with her afternoon cup of tea. The Duchess chronically experienced a “sinking feeling” (what we would term “low blood sugar”) in the late afternoon. To tide her over the long hours between meals she turned to carbohydrates.
Other royals immediately copied the Duchess, and afternoon tea parties became quite fashionable. Low tables were set up in front of sofas and chairs, and the ladies found a new opportunity to show off pretty clothes, fine china, embroidered linen tablecloths and napkins, and silver tableware.
Tea time was also the time to exchange juicy gossip and serve refreshments. Soon darling little sandwiches and sweet pastries as well as scones were being arranged on decorative stands and plates for the ladies' pleasure. The tea party mania quickly spread across the Atlantic where tea was already enjoyed as a beverage. This fondness for tea was later suppressed by the patriotic Americans during the era immediately preceding the American Revolution because of the unreasonable British tax on tea. However, by April 27,1776, Congress announced in the Philadelphia Packet that “the drinking of tea can now be indulged.” The custom of afternoon tea parties was not really revived in this country, though, until the mid-1800's, when Victorian ways were in vogue here. Leisure-class American ladies began having “kettledrums” at 4 p.m.. “Kettledrums”was called that in connection with the term “teakettle” . Petits fours and other dainty delights were served amid Victorian opulence. A Victorian diarist, Maud Berkeley (Maud: The Illustrated Diary of a Victorian Woman,Chronicle Books,1987) gave an anecdote concerning tea time: "Mrs. Barnes had out a lovely tea-cloth for her tea-party, worked all over with cyclamens and honeysuckle. Shoggie Boucher, unused to such dainty, contrived to slop his tea all over it. Thankful it was not I. As it was, my new feather boa, which I wore for the first time, got into my teacup, causing much alarm and merriment to all assembled. Lilian Black-Barnes was, as ever, strong in adversity and wrung out the offending object in the kitchen sink. Fear it may never be the same again, none the less."
My family, mother, and I were able to relieve some of that sophisticated elegance (minus the drippy boa) when we had tea at the Ritz in London. The Palm Court, an open area on the ground floor of the hotel, is a study in turn-of-the-century decor. Gilt statuary, palms, and other plants, and stylishly-set little tables beckon welcomingly under high-up, rose-tinted skylights.
Our waiter brought us a selection of finger sandwiches of smoked salmon, ham, cucumber,Cheddar cheese, cream cheese, and chives, or egg salad. Scones (similar to American biscuits) were offered with butter, and various preserves and jellies. Along with this we were served Indian or China tea, and hot chocolate for my young daughter. Then the dapper waiter presented a vast tray holding many French pastries and cakes from which we could choose. After several teeny sandwiches and a couple of marmalade-coated scones, a chocolate eclair seemed to add carbohydrate overload to carbo-loading, but “when in England, do as the English do”. This tea feast was served between 3:30 and 5:30 p.m. Around 10:00 p.m., we had regained just enough appetite to sample some fish and chips (French fries), and then we put our weary stomachs and ourselves to bed.
What can be inferred about the writer's opinion concerning what is served at the British teatime?
There are two kinds of motive for engaging in any activity: internal and instrumental. If a scientist conducts research because she wants to discover important facts about the world, that's an internal motive, since discovering facts is inherently related to the activity of research. If she conducts research because she wants to achieve scholarly renown, that's an instrumental motive, since the relation between fame and research is not so inherent. Often, people have both for doing things. What mix of motives--internal or instrumental or both--is most conducive to success? You might suppose that a scientist motivated by a desire to discover facts and by a desire to achieve renown will do better work than a scientist motivated by just one of those desires. Surely two motives are better than one. But as we and our colleagues argue in a paper newly published in the Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, instrumental motives are not always an asset and can actually be counterproductive to success. We analyzed data drawn from 11320 cadets in nine entering classes at the United States Military Academy at West Point, all of whom rated how much each of a set of motives influenced their decision to attend the academy. The motives included things like a desire to get a good job later in life and a desire to be trained as a leader in the United States Army
How did the cadets fare years later? How did their progress relate to their original motives for attending West Point? We found, unsurprisingly, that the stronger their internal reasons were to attend West Point, the more likely cadets were to graduate and become commissioned officers. Also unsurprisingly, cadets with internal motives did better in the military (as evidenced by early promotion recommendations)than did those without internal motives and were also more likely to stay in the military after their five years of mandatory service. Remarkably, cadets with strong internal and strong instrumental motives for attending West Point performed worse on every measure than did those with strong internal motives but weak instrumental ones. They were less likely to graduate, less outstanding as military officers and less committed to staying in the military. Our study suggests that efforts should be made to structure activities so that instrumental consequences do not become motives. Helping people focus on the meaning and impact of their work, rather than on, say, the financial returns it will bring, may be the best way to improve not only the quality of their work but also their financial success. There is a temptation among educators and instructors to use whatever motivational tools are available to recruit participants or improve performance. If the desire for military excellence and service to country fails to attract all the recruits that the Army needs, then perhaps appeals to “money for collegecareer training” or “seeing the world”will do the job. While this strategy may lure more recruits, it may also yield worse soldiers. Similarly, for students uninterested in learning,financial incentives for good attendance or pizza parties for high performance may prompt them to participate, but it may result in less well-educated students.
What can be the best title for the article?
There are two kinds of motive for engaging in any activity: internal and instrumental. If a scientist conducts research because she wants to discover important facts about the world, that's an internal motive, since discovering facts is inherently related to the activity of research. If she conducts research because she wants to achieve scholarly renown, that's an instrumental motive, since the relation between fame and research is not so inherent. Often, people have both for doing things. What mix of motives--internal or instrumental or both--is most conducive to success? You might suppose that a scientist motivated by a desire to discover facts and by a desire to achieve renown will do better work than a scientist motivated by just one of those desires. Surely two motives are better than one. But as we and our colleagues argue in a paper newly published in the Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, instrumental motives are not always an asset and can actually be counterproductive to success. We analyzed data drawn from 11320 cadets in nine entering classes at the United States Military Academy at West Point, all of whom rated how much each of a set of motives influenced their decision to attend the academy. The motives included things like a desire to get a good job later in life and a desire to be trained as a leader in the United States Army
How did the cadets fare years later? How did their progress relate to their original motives for attending West Point? We found, unsurprisingly, that the stronger their internal reasons were to attend West Point, the more likely cadets were to graduate and become commissioned officers. Also unsurprisingly, cadets with internal motives did better in the military (as evidenced by early promotion recommendations)than did those without internal motives and were also more likely to stay in the military after their five years of mandatory service. Remarkably, cadets with strong internal and strong instrumental motives for attending West Point performed worse on every measure than did those with strong internal motives but weak instrumental ones. They were less likely to graduate, less outstanding as military officers and less committed to staying in the military. Our study suggests that efforts should be made to structure activities so that instrumental consequences do not become motives. Helping people focus on the meaning and impact of their work, rather than on, say, the financial returns it will bring, may be the best way to improve not only the quality of their work but also their financial success. There is a temptation among educators and instructors to use whatever motivational tools are available to recruit participants or improve performance. If the desire for military excellence and service to country fails to attract all the recruits that the Army needs, then perhaps appeals to “money for collegecareer training” or “seeing the world”will do the job. While this strategy may lure more recruits, it may also yield worse soldiers. Similarly, for students uninterested in learning,financial incentives for good attendance or pizza parties for high performance may prompt them to participate, but it may result in less well-educated students.
What do the writers disapprove concerning the current situation of attracting recruits?
There are two kinds of motive for engaging in any activity: internal and instrumental. If a scientist conducts research because she wants to discover important facts about the world, that's an internal motive, since discovering facts is inherently related to the activity of research. If she conducts research because she wants to achieve scholarly renown, that's an instrumental motive, since the relation between fame and research is not so inherent. Often, people have both for doing things. What mix of motives--internal or instrumental or both--is most conducive to success? You might suppose that a scientist motivated by a desire to discover facts and by a desire to achieve renown will do better work than a scientist motivated by just one of those desires. Surely two motives are better than one. But as we and our colleagues argue in a paper newly published in the Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, instrumental motives are not always an asset and can actually be counterproductive to success. We analyzed data drawn from 11320 cadets in nine entering classes at the United States Military Academy at West Point, all of whom rated how much each of a set of motives influenced their decision to attend the academy. The motives included things like a desire to get a good job later in life and a desire to be trained as a leader in the United States Army
How did the cadets fare years later? How did their progress relate to their original motives for attending West Point? We found, unsurprisingly, that the stronger their internal reasons were to attend West Point, the more likely cadets were to graduate and become commissioned officers. Also unsurprisingly, cadets with internal motives did better in the military (as evidenced by early promotion recommendations)than did those without internal motives and were also more likely to stay in the military after their five years of mandatory service. Remarkably, cadets with strong internal and strong instrumental motives for attending West Point performed worse on every measure than did those with strong internal motives but weak instrumental ones. They were less likely to graduate, less outstanding as military officers and less committed to staying in the military. Our study suggests that efforts should be made to structure activities so that instrumental consequences do not become motives. Helping people focus on the meaning and impact of their work, rather than on, say, the financial returns it will bring, may be the best way to improve not only the quality of their work but also their financial success. There is a temptation among educators and instructors to use whatever motivational tools are available to recruit participants or improve performance. If the desire for military excellence and service to country fails to attract all the recruits that the Army needs, then perhaps appeals to “money for collegecareer training” or “seeing the world”will do the job. While this strategy may lure more recruits, it may also yield worse soldiers. Similarly, for students uninterested in learning,financial incentives for good attendance or pizza parties for high performance may prompt them to participate, but it may result in less well-educated students.
According to the passage, which of the following is conducive to career success?
There are two kinds of motive for engaging in any activity: internal and instrumental. If a scientist conducts research because she wants to discover important facts about the world, that's an internal motive, since discovering facts is inherently related to the activity of research. If she conducts research because she wants to achieve scholarly renown, that's an instrumental motive, since the relation between fame and research is not so inherent. Often, people have both for doing things. What mix of motives--internal or instrumental or both--is most conducive to success? You might suppose that a scientist motivated by a desire to discover facts and by a desire to achieve renown will do better work than a scientist motivated by just one of those desires. Surely two motives are better than one. But as we and our colleagues argue in a paper newly published in the Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, instrumental motives are not always an asset and can actually be counterproductive to success. We analyzed data drawn from 11320 cadets in nine entering classes at the United States Military Academy at West Point, all of whom rated how much each of a set of motives influenced their decision to attend the academy. The motives included things like a desire to get a good job later in life and a desire to be trained as a leader in the United States Army
How did the cadets fare years later? How did their progress relate to their original motives for attending West Point? We found, unsurprisingly, that the stronger their internal reasons were to attend West Point, the more likely cadets were to graduate and become commissioned officers. Also unsurprisingly, cadets with internal motives did better in the military (as evidenced by early promotion recommendations)than did those without internal motives and were also more likely to stay in the military after their five years of mandatory service. Remarkably, cadets with strong internal and strong instrumental motives for attending West Point performed worse on every measure than did those with strong internal motives but weak instrumental ones. They were less likely to graduate, less outstanding as military officers and less committed to staying in the military. Our study suggests that efforts should be made to structure activities so that instrumental consequences do not become motives. Helping people focus on the meaning and impact of their work, rather than on, say, the financial returns it will bring, may be the best way to improve not only the quality of their work but also their financial success. There is a temptation among educators and instructors to use whatever motivational tools are available to recruit participants or improve performance. If the desire for military excellence and service to country fails to attract all the recruits that the Army needs, then perhaps appeals to “money for collegecareer training” or “seeing the world”will do the job. While this strategy may lure more recruits, it may also yield worse soldiers. Similarly, for students uninterested in learning,financial incentives for good attendance or pizza parties for high performance may prompt them to participate, but it may result in less well-educated students.
Which of the following is closest in meaning to the underlined word “cadets” in Paragraph 3?
There are two kinds of motive for engaging in any activity: internal and instrumental. If a scientist conducts research because she wants to discover important facts about the world, that's an internal motive, since discovering facts is inherently related to the activity of research. If she conducts research because she wants to achieve scholarly renown, that's an instrumental motive, since the relation between fame and research is not so inherent. Often, people have both for doing things. What mix of motives--internal or instrumental or both--is most conducive to success? You might suppose that a scientist motivated by a desire to discover facts and by a desire to achieve renown will do better work than a scientist motivated by just one of those desires. Surely two motives are better than one. But as we and our colleagues argue in a paper newly published in the Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, instrumental motives are not always an asset and can actually be counterproductive to success. We analyzed data drawn from 11320 cadets in nine entering classes at the United States Military Academy at West Point, all of whom rated how much each of a set of motives influenced their decision to attend the academy. The motives included things like a desire to get a good job later in life and a desire to be trained as a leader in the United States Army
How did the cadets fare years later? How did their progress relate to their original motives for attending West Point? We found, unsurprisingly, that the stronger their internal reasons were to attend West Point, the more likely cadets were to graduate and become commissioned officers. Also unsurprisingly, cadets with internal motives did better in the military (as evidenced by early promotion recommendations)than did those without internal motives and were also more likely to stay in the military after their five years of mandatory service. Remarkably, cadets with strong internal and strong instrumental motives for attending West Point performed worse on every measure than did those with strong internal motives but weak instrumental ones. They were less likely to graduate, less outstanding as military officers and less committed to staying in the military. Our study suggests that efforts should be made to structure activities so that instrumental consequences do not become motives. Helping people focus on the meaning and impact of their work, rather than on, say, the financial returns it will bring, may be the best way to improve not only the quality of their work but also their financial success. There is a temptation among educators and instructors to use whatever motivational tools are available to recruit participants or improve performance. If the desire for military excellence and service to country fails to attract all the recruits that the Army needs, then perhaps appeals to “money for collegecareer training” or “seeing the world”will do the job. While this strategy may lure more recruits, it may also yield worse soldiers. Similarly, for students uninterested in learning,financial incentives for good attendance or pizza parties for high performance may prompt them to participate, but it may result in less well-educated students.
According to the passage, which of the following is an internal motive for a newly recruited soldier?
