2018年教师招聘考试《小学英语》真题精选

“主张把一切知识教授给一切人和教育要适应自然，提出了统一的学制系统以及新颖的教学原则、教学方法。”后来人们将其简称为泛智教育，泛智教育是( )提出的。

许多学生到了大学就会产生强烈的厌学反应，不去主动学习，这更强调了我们对于教育内涵的重视。下列关于教育内涵的说法正确的是( )。

“预见未来的你”，张老师在班里组织一场关于遇见十年后的你，遇见二十年后的你主题小型活动，充分调动了学生的想象力，使得学生对课程有了更好的了解，以上是运用了( )的原理。

“勤能补拙”表达了( )的作用。

古时有大巢氏教民穴处巢居、神农氏教民播种五谷、黄帝教民养蚕缫丝，这是中国原始的( )。

小明小学时候成绩名列前茅，为人谦虚。升上中学后吸烟喝酒，打架群殴。面对这种情况，作为老师的你该如何处置?( )

校领导按照新课标的要求和学生现状，结合该校教师近年来的课堂教学实际，对教材进行了重新的定位和解读，自主地开发课程。这属于( )。

《大学》里面说到“格物、致知、诚意、正心、修身、齐家、治国、平天下”是( )。

加涅的学习过程八阶段理论里，学习最开始的阶段是( )。

小红为了准备期末考试，整理了复习提纲，按时间先后把事件罗列了出来，这是( )。

学生小黄在学习了物理老师教的“杠杆原理”的概念后，再学习定滑轮的知识就非常容易理解了。因为这种学习属于( )。

父母向小贝承诺，如果她在期末考试中进入班级的前十名，就奖励她一个芭比娃娃，小贝因此变得更加努力学习。小贝的这类学习动机属于( )。

学生在学习正方形的过程中，知道正方形有四个直角和四条相连接的边的关键特征，不论它多大，是什么颜色的，只要符合这关键特征的都可以被认为是正方形。这属于奥苏贝尔提出的有意义学习当中的( )。

某次英语语法考试之后，英语老师找到某同学帮助其分析错题并复习相关的语法知识。根据奥克斯福德对学习策略的分类，该英语老师的做法属于( )。

He works ten hours a day, makes more than US $ 98000 a year, doesn′t 16 to take holidays, dresses 17 he pleases. He′s 18 been happier and is looking for another job. This 33-year-old white, university-educated person is the typical Internet worker, according to a study by the Industry Standard, a San Francisco-based news magazine.

There is also a reasonable chance that his employer will arrange his dry cleaning,19 him to 20 his dog to work, offer him flee massages and give him stock options. And he still thinks people in other 21 are doing 22 .

The typical worker, it appears, not only enjoys an income about 23 the national average but also enjoys himself. At present 2.5 million people 24 by Internet firms in the US. The 25 of the study give plenty of reasons 26 so many people think the grass is greener in Silicon Valley.

27 after tech-stocks sharply 28 in April, 29 many start-ups, there is still mood of enthusiasm and special advantage among those still employed. So what 30 52 percent of them "very happy"? "Demanding work" is given as the main reason and "salary" is 31 close 32 . Those questioned in the study also listed working weekends and 33 holidays as signs of the pleasure of the workplaces.

Only 13 percent were paid for 34 hours work while 14 percent put more than 12 hours work on an average day. "It wasn′t all about 35 ." wrote Mary Ann Thompson in the introduction to the study, "It was fun."

第（16）题选

He works ten hours a day, makes more than US $ 98000 a year, doesn′t 16 to take holidays, dresses 17 he pleases. He′s 18 been happier and is looking for another job. This 33-year-old white, university-educated person is the typical Internet worker, according to a study by the Industry Standard, a San Francisco-based news magazine.

There is also a reasonable chance that his employer will arrange his dry cleaning,19 him to 20 his dog to work, offer him flee massages and give him stock options. And he still thinks people in other 21 are doing 22 .

The typical worker, it appears, not only enjoys an income about 23 the national average but also enjoys himself. At present 2.5 million people 24 by Internet firms in the US. The 25 of the study give plenty of reasons 26 so many people think the grass is greener in Silicon Valley.

27 after tech-stocks sharply 28 in April, 29 many start-ups, there is still mood of enthusiasm and special advantage among those still employed. So what 30 52 percent of them "very happy"? "Demanding work" is given as the main reason and "salary" is 31 close 32 . Those questioned in the study also listed working weekends and 33 holidays as signs of the pleasure of the workplaces.

Only 13 percent were paid for 34 hours work while 14 percent put more than 12 hours work on an average day. "It wasn′t all about 35 ." wrote Mary Ann Thompson in the introduction to the study, "It was fun."

第（17）题选

He works ten hours a day, makes more than US $ 98000 a year, doesn′t 16 to take holidays, dresses 17 he pleases. He′s 18 been happier and is looking for another job. This 33-year-old white, university-educated person is the typical Internet worker, according to a study by the Industry Standard, a San Francisco-based news magazine.

There is also a reasonable chance that his employer will arrange his dry cleaning,19 him to 20 his dog to work, offer him flee massages and give him stock options. And he still thinks people in other 21 are doing 22 .

The typical worker, it appears, not only enjoys an income about 23 the national average but also enjoys himself. At present 2.5 million people 24 by Internet firms in the US. The 25 of the study give plenty of reasons 26 so many people think the grass is greener in Silicon Valley.

27 after tech-stocks sharply 28 in April, 29 many start-ups, there is still mood of enthusiasm and special advantage among those still employed. So what 30 52 percent of them "very happy"? "Demanding work" is given as the main reason and "salary" is 31 close 32 . Those questioned in the study also listed working weekends and 33 holidays as signs of the pleasure of the workplaces.

Only 13 percent were paid for 34 hours work while 14 percent put more than 12 hours work on an average day. "It wasn′t all about 35 ." wrote Mary Ann Thompson in the introduction to the study, "It was fun."

第（18）题选

He works ten hours a day, makes more than US $ 98000 a year, doesn′t 16 to take holidays, dresses 17 he pleases. He′s 18 been happier and is looking for another job. This 33-year-old white, university-educated person is the typical Internet worker, according to a study by the Industry Standard, a San Francisco-based news magazine.

There is also a reasonable chance that his employer will arrange his dry cleaning,19 him to 20 his dog to work, offer him flee massages and give him stock options. And he still thinks people in other 21 are doing 22 .

The typical worker, it appears, not only enjoys an income about 23 the national average but also enjoys himself. At present 2.5 million people 24 by Internet firms in the US. The 25 of the study give plenty of reasons 26 so many people think the grass is greener in Silicon Valley.

27 after tech-stocks sharply 28 in April, 29 many start-ups, there is still mood of enthusiasm and special advantage among those still employed. So what 30 52 percent of them "very happy"? "Demanding work" is given as the main reason and "salary" is 31 close 32 . Those questioned in the study also listed working weekends and 33 holidays as signs of the pleasure of the workplaces.

Only 13 percent were paid for 34 hours work while 14 percent put more than 12 hours work on an average day. "It wasn′t all about 35 ." wrote Mary Ann Thompson in the introduction to the study, "It was fun."

第（19）题选

He works ten hours a day, makes more than US $ 98000 a year, doesn′t 16 to take holidays, dresses 17 he pleases. He′s 18 been happier and is looking for another job. This 33-year-old white, university-educated person is the typical Internet worker, according to a study by the Industry Standard, a San Francisco-based news magazine.

There is also a reasonable chance that his employer will arrange his dry cleaning,19 him to 20 his dog to work, offer him flee massages and give him stock options. And he still thinks people in other 21 are doing 22 .

The typical worker, it appears, not only enjoys an income about 23 the national average but also enjoys himself. At present 2.5 million people 24 by Internet firms in the US. The 25 of the study give plenty of reasons 26 so many people think the grass is greener in Silicon Valley.

27 after tech-stocks sharply 28 in April, 29 many start-ups, there is still mood of enthusiasm and special advantage among those still employed. So what 30 52 percent of them "very happy"? "Demanding work" is given as the main reason and "salary" is 31 close 32 . Those questioned in the study also listed working weekends and 33 holidays as signs of the pleasure of the workplaces.

Only 13 percent were paid for 34 hours work while 14 percent put more than 12 hours work on an average day. "It wasn′t all about 35 ." wrote Mary Ann Thompson in the introduction to the study, "It was fun."

第（20）题选

He works ten hours a day, makes more than US $ 98000 a year, doesn′t 16 to take holidays, dresses 17 he pleases. He′s 18 been happier and is looking for another job. This 33-year-old white, university-educated person is the typical Internet worker, according to a study by the Industry Standard, a San Francisco-based news magazine.

There is also a reasonable chance that his employer will arrange his dry cleaning,19 him to 20 his dog to work, offer him flee massages and give him stock options. And he still thinks people in other 21 are doing 22 .

The typical worker, it appears, not only enjoys an income about 23 the national average but also enjoys himself. At present 2.5 million people 24 by Internet firms in the US. The 25 of the study give plenty of reasons 26 so many people think the grass is greener in Silicon Valley.

27 after tech-stocks sharply 28 in April, 29 many start-ups, there is still mood of enthusiasm and special advantage among those still employed. So what 30 52 percent of them "very happy"? "Demanding work" is given as the main reason and "salary" is 31 close 32 . Those questioned in the study also listed working weekends and 33 holidays as signs of the pleasure of the workplaces.

Only 13 percent were paid for 34 hours work while 14 percent put more than 12 hours work on an average day. "It wasn′t all about 35 ." wrote Mary Ann Thompson in the introduction to the study, "It was fun."

第（21）题选

He works ten hours a day, makes more than US $ 98000 a year, doesn′t 16 to take holidays, dresses 17 he pleases. He′s 18 been happier and is looking for another job. This 33-year-old white, university-educated person is the typical Internet worker, according to a study by the Industry Standard, a San Francisco-based news magazine.

There is also a reasonable chance that his employer will arrange his dry cleaning,19 him to 20 his dog to work, offer him flee massages and give him stock options. And he still thinks people in other 21 are doing 22 .

The typical worker, it appears, not only enjoys an income about 23 the national average but also enjoys himself. At present 2.5 million people 24 by Internet firms in the US. The 25 of the study give plenty of reasons 26 so many people think the grass is greener in Silicon Valley.

27 after tech-stocks sharply 28 in April, 29 many start-ups, there is still mood of enthusiasm and special advantage among those still employed. So what 30 52 percent of them "very happy"? "Demanding work" is given as the main reason and "salary" is 31 close 32 . Those questioned in the study also listed working weekends and 33 holidays as signs of the pleasure of the workplaces.

Only 13 percent were paid for 34 hours work while 14 percent put more than 12 hours work on an average day. "It wasn′t all about 35 ." wrote Mary Ann Thompson in the introduction to the study, "It was fun."

第（22）题选

He works ten hours a day, makes more than US $ 98000 a year, doesn′t 16 to take holidays, dresses 17 he pleases. He′s 18 been happier and is looking for another job. This 33-year-old white, university-educated person is the typical Internet worker, according to a study by the Industry Standard, a San Francisco-based news magazine.

There is also a reasonable chance that his employer will arrange his dry cleaning,19 him to 20 his dog to work, offer him flee massages and give him stock options. And he still thinks people in other 21 are doing 22 .

The typical worker, it appears, not only enjoys an income about 23 the national average but also enjoys himself. At present 2.5 million people 24 by Internet firms in the US. The 25 of the study give plenty of reasons 26 so many people think the grass is greener in Silicon Valley.

27 after tech-stocks sharply 28 in April, 29 many start-ups, there is still mood of enthusiasm and special advantage among those still employed. So what 30 52 percent of them "very happy"? "Demanding work" is given as the main reason and "salary" is 31 close 32 . Those questioned in the study also listed working weekends and 33 holidays as signs of the pleasure of the workplaces.

Only 13 percent were paid for 34 hours work while 14 percent put more than 12 hours work on an average day. "It wasn′t all about 35 ." wrote Mary Ann Thompson in the introduction to the study, "It was fun."

第（23）题选

He works ten hours a day, makes more than US $ 98000 a year, doesn′t 16 to take holidays, dresses 17 he pleases. He′s 18 been happier and is looking for another job. This 33-year-old white, university-educated person is the typical Internet worker, according to a study by the Industry Standard, a San Francisco-based news magazine.

There is also a reasonable chance that his employer will arrange his dry cleaning,19 him to 20 his dog to work, offer him flee massages and give him stock options. And he still thinks people in other 21 are doing 22 .

The typical worker, it appears, not only enjoys an income about 23 the national average but also enjoys himself. At present 2.5 million people 24 by Internet firms in the US. The 25 of the study give plenty of reasons 26 so many people think the grass is greener in Silicon Valley.

27 after tech-stocks sharply 28 in April, 29 many start-ups, there is still mood of enthusiasm and special advantage among those still employed. So what 30 52 percent of them "very happy"? "Demanding work" is given as the main reason and "salary" is 31 close 32 . Those questioned in the study also listed working weekends and 33 holidays as signs of the pleasure of the workplaces.

Only 13 percent were paid for 34 hours work while 14 percent put more than 12 hours work on an average day. "It wasn′t all about 35 ." wrote Mary Ann Thompson in the introduction to the study, "It was fun."

第（24）题选

He works ten hours a day, makes more than US $ 98000 a year, doesn′t 16 to take holidays, dresses 17 he pleases. He′s 18 been happier and is looking for another job. This 33-year-old white, university-educated person is the typical Internet worker, according to a study by the Industry Standard, a San Francisco-based news magazine.

There is also a reasonable chance that his employer will arrange his dry cleaning,19 him to 20 his dog to work, offer him flee massages and give him stock options. And he still thinks people in other 21 are doing 22 .

The typical worker, it appears, not only enjoys an income about 23 the national average but also enjoys himself. At present 2.5 million people 24 by Internet firms in the US. The 25 of the study give plenty of reasons 26 so many people think the grass is greener in Silicon Valley.

27 after tech-stocks sharply 28 in April, 29 many start-ups, there is still mood of enthusiasm and special advantage among those still employed. So what 30 52 percent of them "very happy"? "Demanding work" is given as the main reason and "salary" is 31 close 32 . Those questioned in the study also listed working weekends and 33 holidays as signs of the pleasure of the workplaces.

Only 13 percent were paid for 34 hours work while 14 percent put more than 12 hours work on an average day. "It wasn′t all about 35 ." wrote Mary Ann Thompson in the introduction to the study, "It was fun."

第（25）题选

He works ten hours a day, makes more than US $ 98000 a year, doesn′t 16 to take holidays, dresses 17 he pleases. He′s 18 been happier and is looking for another job. This 33-year-old white, university-educated person is the typical Internet worker, according to a study by the Industry Standard, a San Francisco-based news magazine.

There is also a reasonable chance that his employer will arrange his dry cleaning,19 him to 20 his dog to work, offer him flee massages and give him stock options. And he still thinks people in other 21 are doing 22 .

The typical worker, it appears, not only enjoys an income about 23 the national average but also enjoys himself. At present 2.5 million people 24 by Internet firms in the US. The 25 of the study give plenty of reasons 26 so many people think the grass is greener in Silicon Valley.

27 after tech-stocks sharply 28 in April, 29 many start-ups, there is still mood of enthusiasm and special advantage among those still employed. So what 30 52 percent of them "very happy"? "Demanding work" is given as the main reason and "salary" is 31 close 32 . Those questioned in the study also listed working weekends and 33 holidays as signs of the pleasure of the workplaces.

Only 13 percent were paid for 34 hours work while 14 percent put more than 12 hours work on an average day. "It wasn′t all about 35 ." wrote Mary Ann Thompson in the introduction to the study, "It was fun."

第（26）题选

He works ten hours a day, makes more than US $ 98000 a year, doesn′t 16 to take holidays, dresses 17 he pleases. He′s 18 been happier and is looking for another job. This 33-year-old white, university-educated person is the typical Internet worker, according to a study by the Industry Standard, a San Francisco-based news magazine.

There is also a reasonable chance that his employer will arrange his dry cleaning,19 him to 20 his dog to work, offer him flee massages and give him stock options. And he still thinks people in other 21 are doing 22 .

The typical worker, it appears, not only enjoys an income about 23 the national average but also enjoys himself. At present 2.5 million people 24 by Internet firms in the US. The 25 of the study give plenty of reasons 26 so many people think the grass is greener in Silicon Valley.

27 after tech-stocks sharply 28 in April, 29 many start-ups, there is still mood of enthusiasm and special advantage among those still employed. So what 30 52 percent of them "very happy"? "Demanding work" is given as the main reason and "salary" is 31 close 32 . Those questioned in the study also listed working weekends and 33 holidays as signs of the pleasure of the workplaces.

Only 13 percent were paid for 34 hours work while 14 percent put more than 12 hours work on an average day. "It wasn′t all about 35 ." wrote Mary Ann Thompson in the introduction to the study, "It was fun."

第（27）题选

He works ten hours a day, makes more than US $ 98000 a year, doesn′t 16 to take holidays, dresses 17 he pleases. He′s 18 been happier and is looking for another job. This 33-year-old white, university-educated person is the typical Internet worker, according to a study by the Industry Standard, a San Francisco-based news magazine.

There is also a reasonable chance that his employer will arrange his dry cleaning,19 him to 20 his dog to work, offer him flee massages and give him stock options. And he still thinks people in other 21 are doing 22 .

The typical worker, it appears, not only enjoys an income about 23 the national average but also enjoys himself. At present 2.5 million people 24 by Internet firms in the US. The 25 of the study give plenty of reasons 26 so many people think the grass is greener in Silicon Valley.

27 after tech-stocks sharply 28 in April, 29 many start-ups, there is still mood of enthusiasm and special advantage among those still employed. So what 30 52 percent of them "very happy"? "Demanding work" is given as the main reason and "salary" is 31 close 32 . Those questioned in the study also listed working weekends and 33 holidays as signs of the pleasure of the workplaces.

Only 13 percent were paid for 34 hours work while 14 percent put more than 12 hours work on an average day. "It wasn′t all about 35 ." wrote Mary Ann Thompson in the introduction to the study, "It was fun."

第（28）题选

He works ten hours a day, makes more than US $ 98000 a year, doesn′t 16 to take holidays, dresses 17 he pleases. He′s 18 been happier and is looking for another job. This 33-year-old white, university-educated person is the typical Internet worker, according to a study by the Industry Standard, a San Francisco-based news magazine.

There is also a reasonable chance that his employer will arrange his dry cleaning,19 him to 20 his dog to work, offer him flee massages and give him stock options. And he still thinks people in other 21 are doing 22 .

The typical worker, it appears, not only enjoys an income about 23 the national average but also enjoys himself. At present 2.5 million people 24 by Internet firms in the US. The 25 of the study give plenty of reasons 26 so many people think the grass is greener in Silicon Valley.

27 after tech-stocks sharply 28 in April, 29 many start-ups, there is still mood of enthusiasm and special advantage among those still employed. So what 30 52 percent of them "very happy"? "Demanding work" is given as the main reason and "salary" is 31 close 32 . Those questioned in the study also listed working weekends and 33 holidays as signs of the pleasure of the workplaces.

Only 13 percent were paid for 34 hours work while 14 percent put more than 12 hours work on an average day. "It wasn′t all about 35 ." wrote Mary Ann Thompson in the introduction to the study, "It was fun."

第（29）题选

He works ten hours a day, makes more than US $ 98000 a year, doesn′t 16 to take holidays, dresses 17 he pleases. He′s 18 been happier and is looking for another job. This 33-year-old white, university-educated person is the typical Internet worker, according to a study by the Industry Standard, a San Francisco-based news magazine.

There is also a reasonable chance that his employer will arrange his dry cleaning,19 him to 20 his dog to work, offer him flee massages and give him stock options. And he still thinks people in other 21 are doing 22 .

The typical worker, it appears, not only enjoys an income about 23 the national average but also enjoys himself. At present 2.5 million people 24 by Internet firms in the US. The 25 of the study give plenty of reasons 26 so many people think the grass is greener in Silicon Valley.

27 after tech-stocks sharply 28 in April, 29 many start-ups, there is still mood of enthusiasm and special advantage among those still employed. So what 30 52 percent of them "very happy"? "Demanding work" is given as the main reason and "salary" is 31 close 32 . Those questioned in the study also listed working weekends and 33 holidays as signs of the pleasure of the workplaces.

Only 13 percent were paid for 34 hours work while 14 percent put more than 12 hours work on an average day. "It wasn′t all about 35 ." wrote Mary Ann Thompson in the introduction to the study, "It was fun."

第（30）题选

He works ten hours a day, makes more than US $ 98000 a year, doesn′t 16 to take holidays, dresses 17 he pleases. He′s 18 been happier and is looking for another job. This 33-year-old white, university-educated person is the typical Internet worker, according to a study by the Industry Standard, a San Francisco-based news magazine.

There is also a reasonable chance that his employer will arrange his dry cleaning,19 him to 20 his dog to work, offer him flee massages and give him stock options. And he still thinks people in other 21 are doing 22 .

The typical worker, it appears, not only enjoys an income about 23 the national average but also enjoys himself. At present 2.5 million people 24 by Internet firms in the US. The 25 of the study give plenty of reasons 26 so many people think the grass is greener in Silicon Valley.

27 after tech-stocks sharply 28 in April, 29 many start-ups, there is still mood of enthusiasm and special advantage among those still employed. So what 30 52 percent of them "very happy"? "Demanding work" is given as the main reason and "salary" is 31 close 32 . Those questioned in the study also listed working weekends and 33 holidays as signs of the pleasure of the workplaces.

Only 13 percent were paid for 34 hours work while 14 percent put more than 12 hours work on an average day. "It wasn′t all about 35 ." wrote Mary Ann Thompson in the introduction to the study, "It was fun."

第（31）题选

He works ten hours a day, makes more than US $ 98000 a year, doesn′t 16 to take holidays, dresses 17 he pleases. He′s 18 been happier and is looking for another job. This 33-year-old white, university-educated person is the typical Internet worker, according to a study by the Industry Standard, a San Francisco-based news magazine.

There is also a reasonable chance that his employer will arrange his dry cleaning,19 him to 20 his dog to work, offer him flee massages and give him stock options. And he still thinks people in other 21 are doing 22 .

The typical worker, it appears, not only enjoys an income about 23 the national average but also enjoys himself. At present 2.5 million people 24 by Internet firms in the US. The 25 of the study give plenty of reasons 26 so many people think the grass is greener in Silicon Valley.

27 after tech-stocks sharply 28 in April, 29 many start-ups, there is still mood of enthusiasm and special advantage among those still employed. So what 30 52 percent of them "very happy"? "Demanding work" is given as the main reason and "salary" is 31 close 32 . Those questioned in the study also listed working weekends and 33 holidays as signs of the pleasure of the workplaces.

Only 13 percent were paid for 34 hours work while 14 percent put more than 12 hours work on an average day. "It wasn′t all about 35 ." wrote Mary Ann Thompson in the introduction to the study, "It was fun."

第（32）题选

He works ten hours a day, makes more than US $ 98000 a year, doesn′t 16 to take holidays, dresses 17 he pleases. He′s 18 been happier and is looking for another job. This 33-year-old white, university-educated person is the typical Internet worker, according to a study by the Industry Standard, a San Francisco-based news magazine.

There is also a reasonable chance that his employer will arrange his dry cleaning,19 him to 20 his dog to work, offer him flee massages and give him stock options. And he still thinks people in other 21 are doing 22 .

The typical worker, it appears, not only enjoys an income about 23 the national average but also enjoys himself. At present 2.5 million people 24 by Internet firms in the US. The 25 of the study give plenty of reasons 26 so many people think the grass is greener in Silicon Valley.

27 after tech-stocks sharply 28 in April, 29 many start-ups, there is still mood of enthusiasm and special advantage among those still employed. So what 30 52 percent of them "very happy"? "Demanding work" is given as the main reason and "salary" is 31 close 32 . Those questioned in the study also listed working weekends and 33 holidays as signs of the pleasure of the workplaces.

Only 13 percent were paid for 34 hours work while 14 percent put more than 12 hours work on an average day. "It wasn′t all about 35 ." wrote Mary Ann Thompson in the introduction to the study, "It was fun."

第（33）题选

He works ten hours a day, makes more than US $ 98000 a year, doesn′t 16 to take holidays, dresses 17 he pleases. He′s 18 been happier and is looking for another job. This 33-year-old white, university-educated person is the typical Internet worker, according to a study by the Industry Standard, a San Francisco-based news magazine.

There is also a reasonable chance that his employer will arrange his dry cleaning,19 him to 20 his dog to work, offer him flee massages and give him stock options. And he still thinks people in other 21 are doing 22 .

The typical worker, it appears, not only enjoys an income about 23 the national average but also enjoys himself. At present 2.5 million people 24 by Internet firms in the US. The 25 of the study give plenty of reasons 26 so many people think the grass is greener in Silicon Valley.

27 after tech-stocks sharply 28 in April, 29 many start-ups, there is still mood of enthusiasm and special advantage among those still employed. So what 30 52 percent of them "very happy"? "Demanding work" is given as the main reason and "salary" is 31 close 32 . Those questioned in the study also listed working weekends and 33 holidays as signs of the pleasure of the workplaces.

Only 13 percent were paid for 34 hours work while 14 percent put more than 12 hours work on an average day. "It wasn′t all about 35 ." wrote Mary Ann Thompson in the introduction to the study, "It was fun."

第（34）题选

He works ten hours a day, makes more than US $ 98000 a year, doesn′t 16 to take holidays, dresses 17 he pleases. He′s 18 been happier and is looking for another job. This 33-year-old white, university-educated person is the typical Internet worker, according to a study by the Industry Standard, a San Francisco-based news magazine.

There is also a reasonable chance that his employer will arrange his dry cleaning,19 him to 20 his dog to work, offer him flee massages and give him stock options. And he still thinks people in other 21 are doing 22 .

The typical worker, it appears, not only enjoys an income about 23 the national average but also enjoys himself. At present 2.5 million people 24 by Internet firms in the US. The 25 of the study give plenty of reasons 26 so many people think the grass is greener in Silicon Valley.

27 after tech-stocks sharply 28 in April, 29 many start-ups, there is still mood of enthusiasm and special advantage among those still employed. So what 30 52 percent of them "very happy"? "Demanding work" is given as the main reason and "salary" is 31 close 32 . Those questioned in the study also listed working weekends and 33 holidays as signs of the pleasure of the workplaces.

Only 13 percent were paid for 34 hours work while 14 percent put more than 12 hours work on an average day. "It wasn′t all about 35 ." wrote Mary Ann Thompson in the introduction to the study, "It was fun."

第（35）题选

The men and women of Anglo-Saxon England normally bore one name only. Distinguishing epithets were rarely added. These might be patronymic, descriptive or occupational. They were, however, hardly surnames. Heritable names gradually became general in the three centuries following the Norman Conquest in 1066. It was not until the 13th and 14th centuries that surnames became fixed, although for many years after that, the degree of stability in family names varied considerably in different parts of the country.

British surnames fall mainly into four broad categories: patronymic, occupational, descriptive and local. A few names, it is true, will remain puzzling: foreign names, perhaps, crudely translated, adapted or abbreviated; or artificial names.

In fact, over fifty per cent of genuine British surnames derive from place names of different kinds, and so they belong to the last of our four main categories. Even such a name as Simpson may belong to this last group, and not to the first, had the family once had its home in the ancient village of that name. Otherwise, Simpson means "the son of Simon", as might be expected.

Hundreds of occupational surnames are at once familiar to us, or at least recognisable after a little thought: Archer, Carter, Fisher, Mason, Thatcher, Taylor, to name but a few. Hundreds of others are more obscure in their meanings and testify to the amazing specialization in medieval arts, crafts and functions. Such are "Day" (old English for breadmaker) and "Walker" (a fuller whose job was to clean and thicken newly made cloth).

All these vocational names carry with them a certain gravity and dignity, which descriptive names often lack. Some, it is true, like "Long", "Short" or "Little", are simple. They may be taken quite literally. Others require more thinking; their meanings are slightly different from the modern ones. "Black" and "White" implied dark and fair respectively. "Sharp" meant genuinely discerning, alert, a

The men and women of Anglo-Saxon England normally bore one name only. Distinguishing epithets were rarely added. These might be patronymic, descriptive or occupational. They were, however, hardly surnames. Heritable names gradually became general in the three centuries following the Norman Conquest in 1066. It was not until the 13th and 14th centuries that surnames became fixed, although for many years after that, the degree of stability in family names varied considerably in different parts of the country.

British surnames fall mainly into four broad categories: patronymic, occupational, descriptive and local. A few names, it is true, will remain puzzling: foreign names, perhaps, crudely translated, adapted or abbreviated; or artificial names.

In fact, over fifty per cent of genuine British surnames derive from place names of different kinds, and so they belong to the last of our four main categories. Even such a name as Simpson may belong to this last group, and not to the first, had the family once had its home in the ancient village of that name. Otherwise, Simpson means "the son of Simon", as might be expected.

Hundreds of occupational surnames are at once familiar to us, or at least recognisable after a little thought: Archer, Carter, Fisher, Mason, Thatcher, Taylor, to name but a few. Hundreds of others are more obscure in their meanings and testify to the amazing specialization in medieval arts, crafts and functions. Such are "Day" (old English for breadmaker) and "Walker" (a fuller whose job was to clean and thicken newly made cloth).

All these vocational names carry with them a certain gravity and dignity, which descriptive names often lack. Some, it is true, like "Long", "Short" or "Little", are simple. They may be taken quite literally. Others require more thinking; their meanings are slightly different from the modern ones. "Black" and "White" implied dark and fair respectively. "Sharp" meant genuinely discerning, alert, a

The men and women of Anglo-Saxon England normally bore one name only. Distinguishing epithets were rarely added. These might be patronymic, descriptive or occupational. They were, however, hardly surnames. Heritable names gradually became general in the three centuries following the Norman Conquest in 1066. It was not until the 13th and 14th centuries that surnames became fixed, although for many years after that, the degree of stability in family names varied considerably in different parts of the country.

British surnames fall mainly into four broad categories: patronymic, occupational, descriptive and local. A few names, it is true, will remain puzzling: foreign names, perhaps, crudely translated, adapted or abbreviated; or artificial names.

In fact, over fifty per cent of genuine British surnames derive from place names of different kinds, and so they belong to the last of our four main categories. Even such a name as Simpson may belong to this last group, and not to the first, had the family once had its home in the ancient village of that name. Otherwise, Simpson means "the son of Simon", as might be expected.

Hundreds of occupational surnames are at once familiar to us, or at least recognisable after a little thought: Archer, Carter, Fisher, Mason, Thatcher, Taylor, to name but a few. Hundreds of others are more obscure in their meanings and testify to the amazing specialization in medieval arts, crafts and functions. Such are "Day" (old English for breadmaker) and "Walker" (a fuller whose job was to clean and thicken newly made cloth).

All these vocational names carry with them a certain gravity and dignity, which descriptive names often lack. Some, it is true, like "Long", "Short" or "Little", are simple. They may be taken quite literally. Others require more thinking; their meanings are slightly different from the modern ones. "Black" and "White" implied dark and fair respectively. "Sharp" meant genuinely discerning, alert, a

The men and women of Anglo-Saxon England normally bore one name only. Distinguishing epithets were rarely added. These might be patronymic, descriptive or occupational. They were, however, hardly surnames. Heritable names gradually became general in the three centuries following the Norman Conquest in 1066. It was not until the 13th and 14th centuries that surnames became fixed, although for many years after that, the degree of stability in family names varied considerably in different parts of the country.

British surnames fall mainly into four broad categories: patronymic, occupational, descriptive and local. A few names, it is true, will remain puzzling: foreign names, perhaps, crudely translated, adapted or abbreviated; or artificial names.

In fact, over fifty per cent of genuine British surnames derive from place names of different kinds, and so they belong to the last of our four main categories. Even such a name as Simpson may belong to this last group, and not to the first, had the family once had its home in the ancient village of that name. Otherwise, Simpson means "the son of Simon", as might be expected.

Hundreds of occupational surnames are at once familiar to us, or at least recognisable after a little thought: Archer, Carter, Fisher, Mason, Thatcher, Taylor, to name but a few. Hundreds of others are more obscure in their meanings and testify to the amazing specialization in medieval arts, crafts and functions. Such are "Day" (old English for breadmaker) and "Walker" (a fuller whose job was to clean and thicken newly made cloth).

All these vocational names carry with them a certain gravity and dignity, which descriptive names often lack. Some, it is true, like "Long", "Short" or "Little", are simple. They may be taken quite literally. Others require more thinking; their meanings are slightly different from the modern ones. "Black" and "White" implied dark and fair respectively. "Sharp" meant genuinely discerning, alert, a

The men and women of Anglo-Saxon England normally bore one name only. Distinguishing epithets were rarely added. These might be patronymic, descriptive or occupational. They were, however, hardly surnames. Heritable names gradually became general in the three centuries following the Norman Conquest in 1066. It was not until the 13th and 14th centuries that surnames became fixed, although for many years after that, the degree of stability in family names varied considerably in different parts of the country.

British surnames fall mainly into four broad categories: patronymic, occupational, descriptive and local. A few names, it is true, will remain puzzling: foreign names, perhaps, crudely translated, adapted or abbreviated; or artificial names.

In fact, over fifty per cent of genuine British surnames derive from place names of different kinds, and so they belong to the last of our four main categories. Even such a name as Simpson may belong to this last group, and not to the first, had the family once had its home in the ancient village of that name. Otherwise, Simpson means "the son of Simon", as might be expected.

Hundreds of occupational surnames are at once familiar to us, or at least recognisable after a little thought: Archer, Carter, Fisher, Mason, Thatcher, Taylor, to name but a few. Hundreds of others are more obscure in their meanings and testify to the amazing specialization in medieval arts, crafts and functions. Such are "Day" (old English for breadmaker) and "Walker" (a fuller whose job was to clean and thicken newly made cloth).

All these vocational names carry with them a certain gravity and dignity, which descriptive names often lack. Some, it is true, like "Long", "Short" or "Little", are simple. They may be taken quite literally. Others require more thinking; their meanings are slightly different from the modern ones. "Black" and "White" implied dark and fair respectively. "Sharp" meant genuinely discerning, alert, a

To live in the United States today is to gain an appreciation for Dahrendorf′s assertion that social change exists everywhere. Technology, the application of knowledge for practical ends, is a major source of social change.

Yet we would do well to remind ourselves that technology is a human creation; it does not exist naturally. A spear or a robot is as much a cultural as a physical object. Until humans use a spear to hunt game or a robot to produce machine parts, neither is much more than a solid mass of matter. For a bird looking for an object on which to rest, a spear or robot serves the purpose equally well. The explosion of the Challenger space shuttle and the Russian nuclear accident at Chernobyl drive home the human quality of technology; they provide cases in which well-planned systems suddenly went haywire and there was no ready hand to set them right. Since technology is a human creation, we are responsible for what is done with it. Pessimists worry that we will use our technology eventually to blow our world and ourselves to pieces. But they have been saying this for decades, and so far we have managed to survive and even flourish. Whether we will continue to do so in the years ahead remains uncertain. Clearly, the impact of technology on our lives deserves a closer examination.

Few technological developments have had a greater impact on our lives than the computer revolution. Scientists and engineers have designed specialized machines that can do the tasks that once only people could do. There are those who assert that the switch to an information-based economy is in the same camp as other great historical milestones, particularly the Industrial Revolution. Yet when we ask why the Industrial Revolution was a revolution, we find that it was not the machines. The primary reason why it was revolutionary is that it led to great social change. It gave rise to mass production and, through mass production, to a society in which wealth was not c

To live in the United States today is to gain an appreciation for Dahrendorf′s assertion that social change exists everywhere. Technology, the application of knowledge for practical ends, is a major source of social change.

Yet we would do well to remind ourselves that technology is a human creation; it does not exist naturally. A spear or a robot is as much a cultural as a physical object. Until humans use a spear to hunt game or a robot to produce machine parts, neither is much more than a solid mass of matter. For a bird looking for an object on which to rest, a spear or robot serves the purpose equally well. The explosion of the Challenger space shuttle and the Russian nuclear accident at Chernobyl drive home the human quality of technology; they provide cases in which well-planned systems suddenly went haywire and there was no ready hand to set them right. Since technology is a human creation, we are responsible for what is done with it. Pessimists worry that we will use our technology eventually to blow our world and ourselves to pieces. But they have been saying this for decades, and so far we have managed to survive and even flourish. Whether we will continue to do so in the years ahead remains uncertain. Clearly, the impact of technology on our lives deserves a closer examination.

Few technological developments have had a greater impact on our lives than the computer revolution. Scientists and engineers have designed specialized machines that can do the tasks that once only people could do. There are those who assert that the switch to an information-based economy is in the same camp as other great historical milestones, particularly the Industrial Revolution. Yet when we ask why the Industrial Revolution was a revolution, we find that it was not the machines. The primary reason why it was revolutionary is that it led to great social change. It gave rise to mass production and, through mass production, to a society in which wealth was not c

To live in the United States today is to gain an appreciation for Dahrendorf′s assertion that social change exists everywhere. Technology, the application of knowledge for practical ends, is a major source of social change.

Yet we would do well to remind ourselves that technology is a human creation; it does not exist naturally. A spear or a robot is as much a cultural as a physical object. Until humans use a spear to hunt game or a robot to produce machine parts, neither is much more than a solid mass of matter. For a bird looking for an object on which to rest, a spear or robot serves the purpose equally well. The explosion of the Challenger space shuttle and the Russian nuclear accident at Chernobyl drive home the human quality of technology; they provide cases in which well-planned systems suddenly went haywire and there was no ready hand to set them right. Since technology is a human creation, we are responsible for what is done with it. Pessimists worry that we will use our technology eventually to blow our world and ourselves to pieces. But they have been saying this for decades, and so far we have managed to survive and even flourish. Whether we will continue to do so in the years ahead remains uncertain. Clearly, the impact of technology on our lives deserves a closer examination.

Few technological developments have had a greater impact on our lives than the computer revolution. Scientists and engineers have designed specialized machines that can do the tasks that once only people could do. There are those who assert that the switch to an information-based economy is in the same camp as other great historical milestones, particularly the Industrial Revolution. Yet when we ask why the Industrial Revolution was a revolution, we find that it was not the machines. The primary reason why it was revolutionary is that it led to great social change. It gave rise to mass production and, through mass production, to a society in which wealth was not c

To live in the United States today is to gain an appreciation for Dahrendorf′s assertion that social change exists everywhere. Technology, the application of knowledge for practical ends, is a major source of social change.

Yet we would do well to remind ourselves that technology is a human creation; it does not exist naturally. A spear or a robot is as much a cultural as a physical object. Until humans use a spear to hunt game or a robot to produce machine parts, neither is much more than a solid mass of matter. For a bird looking for an object on which to rest, a spear or robot serves the purpose equally well. The explosion of the Challenger space shuttle and the Russian nuclear accident at Chernobyl drive home the human quality of technology; they provide cases in which well-planned systems suddenly went haywire and there was no ready hand to set them right. Since technology is a human creation, we are responsible for what is done with it. Pessimists worry that we will use our technology eventually to blow our world and ourselves to pieces. But they have been saying this for decades, and so far we have managed to survive and even flourish. Whether we will continue to do so in the years ahead remains uncertain. Clearly, the impact of technology on our lives deserves a closer examination.

Few technological developments have had a greater impact on our lives than the computer revolution. Scientists and engineers have designed specialized machines that can do the tasks that once only people could do. There are those who assert that the switch to an information-based economy is in the same camp as other great historical milestones, particularly the Industrial Revolution. Yet when we ask why the Industrial Revolution was a revolution, we find that it was not the machines. The primary reason why it was revolutionary is that it led to great social change. It gave rise to mass production and, through mass production, to a society in which wealth was not c

To live in the United States today is to gain an appreciation for Dahrendorf′s assertion that social change exists everywhere. Technology, the application of knowledge for practical ends, is a major source of social change.

Yet we would do well to remind ourselves that technology is a human creation; it does not exist naturally. A spear or a robot is as much a cultural as a physical object. Until humans use a spear to hunt game or a robot to produce machine parts, neither is much more than a solid mass of matter. For a bird looking for an object on which to rest, a spear or robot serves the purpose equally well. The explosion of the Challenger space shuttle and the Russian nuclear accident at Chernobyl drive home the human quality of technology; they provide cases in which well-planned systems suddenly went haywire and there was no ready hand to set them right. Since technology is a human creation, we are responsible for what is done with it. Pessimists worry that we will use our technology eventually to blow our world and ourselves to pieces. But they have been saying this for decades, and so far we have managed to survive and even flourish. Whether we will continue to do so in the years ahead remains uncertain. Clearly, the impact of technology on our lives deserves a closer examination.

Few technological developments have had a greater impact on our lives than the computer revolution. Scientists and engineers have designed specialized machines that can do the tasks that once only people could do. There are those who assert that the switch to an information-based economy is in the same camp as other great historical milestones, particularly the Industrial Revolution. Yet when we ask why the Industrial Revolution was a revolution, we find that it was not the machines. The primary reason why it was revolutionary is that it led to great social change. It gave rise to mass production and, through mass production, to a society in which wealth was not c

Now and again I have had horrible dreams, but not enough of them to make me lose my delight in dreams. To begin with, I like the idea of dreaming, of going to bed and lying still and then, by some queer magic, wandering into another kind of existence. As a child I could never understand why grown-ups took dreaming so calmly when they could make such a fuss about any holiday. This still puzzles me. I am mystified by people who say they never dream and appear to have no interest in the subject. It is much more astonishing than if they said they never went out for a walk. Most people or at least more Western Europeans do not seem to accept dreaming as part of their lives. They appear to see it as an irritating little habit, like sneezing or yawning.

I have never understood this. My dream life does not seem as important as my waking life, if only because there is far less of it, but to me it is important. As if there were at least two extra continents added to the world, and lightning excursions running to them at any moment between midnight and breakfast. Then again, the dream life, though queer and confusing and unsatisfactory in many respects, has its own advantages. The dead are there, smiling and talking. The part is there, sometimes all broken and confused but occasionally as fresh as a daisy. And perhaps, as Mr. Dunne tells us, the future is there too, winking at us. This dream life is often overshadowed by huge mysterious anxieties, with luggage that cannot be packed and trains that refuse to be caught; and both persons and scenes there are not as dependable and solid as they are in waking life, so that Brown and Smith merge into one person while Robinson splits into two, and there are thick woods outside the bathroom door and the dining room is somehow part of a theater balcony; and there are moments of loneliness or terror in the dream world that are worse than anything we have known under the sun. Yet this other life has its interests, its happiness

Now and again I have had horrible dreams, but not enough of them to make me lose my delight in dreams. To begin with, I like the idea of dreaming, of going to bed and lying still and then, by some queer magic, wandering into another kind of existence. As a child I could never understand why grown-ups took dreaming so calmly when they could make such a fuss about any holiday. This still puzzles me. I am mystified by people who say they never dream and appear to have no interest in the subject. It is much more astonishing than if they said they never went out for a walk. Most people or at least more Western Europeans do not seem to accept dreaming as part of their lives. They appear to see it as an irritating little habit, like sneezing or yawning.

I have never understood this. My dream life does not seem as important as my waking life, if only because there is far less of it, but to me it is important. As if there were at least two extra continents added to the world, and lightning excursions running to them at any moment between midnight and breakfast. Then again, the dream life, though queer and confusing and unsatisfactory in many respects, has its own advantages. The dead are there, smiling and talking. The part is there, sometimes all broken and confused but occasionally as fresh as a daisy. And perhaps, as Mr. Dunne tells us, the future is there too, winking at us. This dream life is often overshadowed by huge mysterious anxieties, with luggage that cannot be packed and trains that refuse to be caught; and both persons and scenes there are not as dependable and solid as they are in waking life, so that Brown and Smith merge into one person while Robinson splits into two, and there are thick woods outside the bathroom door and the dining room is somehow part of a theater balcony; and there are moments of loneliness or terror in the dream world that are worse than anything we have known under the sun. Yet this other life has its interests, its happiness

Now and again I have had horrible dreams, but not enough of them to make me lose my delight in dreams. To begin with, I like the idea of dreaming, of going to bed and lying still and then, by some queer magic, wandering into another kind of existence. As a child I could never understand why grown-ups took dreaming so calmly when they could make such a fuss about any holiday. This still puzzles me. I am mystified by people who say they never dream and appear to have no interest in the subject. It is much more astonishing than if they said they never went out for a walk. Most people or at least more Western Europeans do not seem to accept dreaming as part of their lives. They appear to see it as an irritating little habit, like sneezing or yawning.

I have never understood this. My dream life does not seem as important as my waking life, if only because there is far less of it, but to me it is important. As if there were at least two extra continents added to the world, and lightning excursions running to them at any moment between midnight and breakfast. Then again, the dream life, though queer and confusing and unsatisfactory in many respects, has its own advantages. The dead are there, smiling and talking. The part is there, sometimes all broken and confused but occasionally as fresh as a daisy. And perhaps, as Mr. Dunne tells us, the future is there too, winking at us. This dream life is often overshadowed by huge mysterious anxieties, with luggage that cannot be packed and trains that refuse to be caught; and both persons and scenes there are not as dependable and solid as they are in waking life, so that Brown and Smith merge into one person while Robinson splits into two, and there are thick woods outside the bathroom door and the dining room is somehow part of a theater balcony; and there are moments of loneliness or terror in the dream world that are worse than anything we have known under the sun. Yet this other life has its interests, its happiness

Now and again I have had horrible dreams, but not enough of them to make me lose my delight in dreams. To begin with, I like the idea of dreaming, of going to bed and lying still and then, by some queer magic, wandering into another kind of existence. As a child I could never understand why grown-ups took dreaming so calmly when they could make such a fuss about any holiday. This still puzzles me. I am mystified by people who say they never dream and appear to have no interest in the subject. It is much more astonishing than if they said they never went out for a walk. Most people or at least more Western Europeans do not seem to accept dreaming as part of their lives. They appear to see it as an irritating little habit, like sneezing or yawning.

I have never understood this. My dream life does not seem as important as my waking life, if only because there is far less of it, but to me it is important. As if there were at least two extra continents added to the world, and lightning excursions running to them at any moment between midnight and breakfast. Then again, the dream life, though queer and confusing and unsatisfactory in many respects, has its own advantages. The dead are there, smiling and talking. The part is there, sometimes all broken and confused but occasionally as fresh as a daisy. And perhaps, as Mr. Dunne tells us, the future is there too, winking at us. This dream life is often overshadowed by huge mysterious anxieties, with luggage that cannot be packed and trains that refuse to be caught; and both persons and scenes there are not as dependable and solid as they are in waking life, so that Brown and Smith merge into one person while Robinson splits into two, and there are thick woods outside the bathroom door and the dining room is somehow part of a theater balcony; and there are moments of loneliness or terror in the dream world that are worse than anything we have known under the sun. Yet this other life has its interests, its happiness

Now and again I have had horrible dreams, but not enough of them to make me lose my delight in dreams. To begin with, I like the idea of dreaming, of going to bed and lying still and then, by some queer magic, wandering into another kind of existence. As a child I could never understand why grown-ups took dreaming so calmly when they could make such a fuss about any holiday. This still puzzles me. I am mystified by people who say they never dream and appear to have no interest in the subject. It is much more astonishing than if they said they never went out for a walk. Most people or at least more Western Europeans do not seem to accept dreaming as part of their lives. They appear to see it as an irritating little habit, like sneezing or yawning.

I have never understood this. My dream life does not seem as important as my waking life, if only because there is far less of it, but to me it is important. As if there were at least two extra continents added to the world, and lightning excursions running to them at any moment between midnight and breakfast. Then again, the dream life, though queer and confusing and unsatisfactory in many respects, has its own advantages. The dead are there, smiling and talking. The part is there, sometimes all broken and confused but occasionally as fresh as a daisy. And perhaps, as Mr. Dunne tells us, the future is there too, winking at us. This dream life is often overshadowed by huge mysterious anxieties, with luggage that cannot be packed and trains that refuse to be caught; and both persons and scenes there are not as dependable and solid as they are in waking life, so that Brown and Smith merge into one person while Robinson splits into two, and there are thick woods outside the bathroom door and the dining room is somehow part of a theater balcony; and there are moments of loneliness or terror in the dream world that are worse than anything we have known under the sun. Yet this other life has its interests, its happiness