2021年教师资格证《英语学科知识与能力》（高级中学）点睛试卷5

Which of the following activities can be adopted at the pre-reading stage?

What should the teacher try to avoid when selecting listening activities?

In speaking activities, a speaker often tries to avoid using a difficult word or structure and chooses to use a simpler one. What learning strategy does the speaker use?

According to Britain linguist F. Palmer, there are no real synonyms. Though“cast” and“throw” are considered synonyms, they are different in__________.

A student has something in his mind and he should ignore the irrelevant parts and read to locate specific information when reading. Which of the following strategies can be used?

Teachers can apply all of the following methods to teach stress except__________.

The teacher gives students 2 minutes to skim a text, and when time is up, he asks students to stop and answer some questions. Here the teacher is playing the role of a (an)__________.

Before doing a writing task, the teacher elicits students′ ideas by asking them to list as many words or phrases that come into their mind about the topic as possible. Here the teacher is playing the role of a(an) __________.

Passage 2

Americans don’t like to lose wars．Of course，a lot depends on how you define just what a waris．There are shooting wars—the kind that test patriotism and courage--and those are the kind atwhich the U．S．excels．But other struggles test those qualities t00．What else was the GreatDepression or the space race or the construction of the railroadsIf American indulge in a bit offlag--when the job is done，they earned it．

Now there is a similar challenge--global warmin9．The steady deterioration of the very climateof this very planet is becoming a war of the first order，and by any measure，the U．S．is losing．

Indeed，if America is fighting at all，it’sfighting on the wrong side．The U．S．produces nearly aquarter of the world’s greenhouse gases each year and has stubbornly made it clear that it doesn’tintend to do a whole lot about it．Although l 74 nations approved the admittedly flawed Kyotoaccords to reduce carbon levels，the U．S．walked away from them．There are vague promises ofmanufacturing fuel from herbs or powering cars with hydrogen．But for a country that tightly citespatriotism as one of its core values，the U．S．is taking a pass on what might be the most patrioticstruggle of all. It′ s hard to imagine a bigger fight than one for the survival of a country′ s coasts andfarms, the health of its people and stability of its economy.

The rub is, if the vast majority of people increasingly agree that climate change is a globalemergency, there′s far less agreement on how to fix it. Industry offers its plans, which too oftenwould fix little. Environmentalists offer theirs, which too often amount to native wish lists that couldweaken America′ s growth. But let′ s assume that those interested parties and others will always bentthe table and will always demand that their voices be heard and that their needs be addressed. Whatwould an aggressive, ambitious, effective plan look like--one that would leave the U.S. bothenvironmentally safe and economically so

Passage 2

Americans don’t like to lose wars．Of course，a lot depends on how you define just what a waris．There are shooting wars—the kind that test patriotism and courage--and those are the kind atwhich the U．S．excels．But other struggles test those qualities t00．What else was the GreatDepression or the space race or the construction of the railroadsIf American indulge in a bit offlag--when the job is done，they earned it．

Now there is a similar challenge--global warmin9．The steady deterioration of the very climateof this very planet is becoming a war of the first order，and by any measure，the U．S．is losing．

Indeed，if America is fighting at all，it’sfighting on the wrong side．The U．S．produces nearly aquarter of the world’s greenhouse gases each year and has stubbornly made it clear that it doesn’tintend to do a whole lot about it．Although l 74 nations approved the admittedly flawed Kyotoaccords to reduce carbon levels，the U．S．walked away from them．There are vague promises ofmanufacturing fuel from herbs or powering cars with hydrogen．But for a country that tightly citespatriotism as one of its core values，the U．S．is taking a pass on what might be the most patrioticstruggle of all. It′ s hard to imagine a bigger fight than one for the survival of a country′ s coasts andfarms, the health of its people and stability of its economy.

The rub is, if the vast majority of people increasingly agree that climate change is a globalemergency, there′s far less agreement on how to fix it. Industry offers its plans, which too oftenwould fix little. Environmentalists offer theirs, which too often amount to native wish lists that couldweaken America′ s growth. But let′ s assume that those interested parties and others will always bentthe table and will always demand that their voices be heard and that their needs be addressed. Whatwould an aggressive, ambitious, effective plan look like--one that would leave the U.S. bothenvironmentally safe and economically so

Passage 2

Americans don’t like to lose wars．Of course，a lot depends on how you define just what a waris．There are shooting wars—the kind that test patriotism and courage--and those are the kind atwhich the U．S．excels．But other struggles test those qualities t00．What else was the GreatDepression or the space race or the construction of the railroadsIf American indulge in a bit offlag--when the job is done，they earned it．

Now there is a similar challenge--global warmin9．The steady deterioration of the very climateof this very planet is becoming a war of the first order，and by any measure，the U．S．is losing．

Indeed，if America is fighting at all，it’sfighting on the wrong side．The U．S．produces nearly aquarter of the world’s greenhouse gases each year and has stubbornly made it clear that it doesn’tintend to do a whole lot about it．Although l 74 nations approved the admittedly flawed Kyotoaccords to reduce carbon levels，the U．S．walked away from them．There are vague promises ofmanufacturing fuel from herbs or powering cars with hydrogen．But for a country that tightly citespatriotism as one of its core values，the U．S．is taking a pass on what might be the most patrioticstruggle of all. It′ s hard to imagine a bigger fight than one for the survival of a country′ s coasts andfarms, the health of its people and stability of its economy.

The rub is, if the vast majority of people increasingly agree that climate change is a globalemergency, there′s far less agreement on how to fix it. Industry offers its plans, which too oftenwould fix little. Environmentalists offer theirs, which too often amount to native wish lists that couldweaken America′ s growth. But let′ s assume that those interested parties and others will always bentthe table and will always demand that their voices be heard and that their needs be addressed. Whatwould an aggressive, ambitious, effective plan look like--one that would leave the U.S. bothenvironmentally safe and economically so

Passage 2

Americans don’t like to lose wars．Of course，a lot depends on how you define just what a waris．There are shooting wars—the kind that test patriotism and courage--and those are the kind atwhich the U．S．excels．But other struggles test those qualities t00．What else was the GreatDepression or the space race or the construction of the railroadsIf American indulge in a bit offlag--when the job is done，they earned it．

Now there is a similar challenge--global warmin9．The steady deterioration of the very climateof this very planet is becoming a war of the first order，and by any measure，the U．S．is losing．

Indeed，if America is fighting at all，it’sfighting on the wrong side．The U．S．produces nearly aquarter of the world’s greenhouse gases each year and has stubbornly made it clear that it doesn’tintend to do a whole lot about it．Although l 74 nations approved the admittedly flawed Kyotoaccords to reduce carbon levels，the U．S．walked away from them．There are vague promises ofmanufacturing fuel from herbs or powering cars with hydrogen．But for a country that tightly citespatriotism as one of its core values，the U．S．is taking a pass on what might be the most patrioticstruggle of all. It′ s hard to imagine a bigger fight than one for the survival of a country′ s coasts andfarms, the health of its people and stability of its economy.

The rub is, if the vast majority of people increasingly agree that climate change is a globalemergency, there′s far less agreement on how to fix it. Industry offers its plans, which too oftenwould fix little. Environmentalists offer theirs, which too often amount to native wish lists that couldweaken America′ s growth. But let′ s assume that those interested parties and others will always bentthe table and will always demand that their voices be heard and that their needs be addressed. Whatwould an aggressive, ambitious, effective plan look like--one that would leave the U.S. bothenvironmentally safe and economically so

Passage 2

Americans don’t like to lose wars．Of course，a lot depends on how you define just what a waris．There are shooting wars—the kind that test patriotism and courage--and those are the kind atwhich the U．S．excels．But other struggles test those qualities t00．What else was the GreatDepression or the space race or the construction of the railroadsIf American indulge in a bit offlag--when the job is done，they earned it．

Now there is a similar challenge--global warmin9．The steady deterioration of the very climateof this very planet is becoming a war of the first order，and by any measure，the U．S．is losing．

Indeed，if America is fighting at all，it’sfighting on the wrong side．The U．S．produces nearly aquarter of the world’s greenhouse gases each year and has stubbornly made it clear that it doesn’tintend to do a whole lot about it．Although l 74 nations approved the admittedly flawed Kyotoaccords to reduce carbon levels，the U．S．walked away from them．There are vague promises ofmanufacturing fuel from herbs or powering cars with hydrogen．But for a country that tightly citespatriotism as one of its core values，the U．S．is taking a pass on what might be the most patrioticstruggle of all. It′ s hard to imagine a bigger fight than one for the survival of a country′ s coasts andfarms, the health of its people and stability of its economy.

The rub is, if the vast majority of people increasingly agree that climate change is a globalemergency, there′s far less agreement on how to fix it. Industry offers its plans, which too oftenwould fix little. Environmentalists offer theirs, which too often amount to native wish lists that couldweaken America′ s growth. But let′ s assume that those interested parties and others will always bentthe table and will always demand that their voices be heard and that their needs be addressed. Whatwould an aggressive, ambitious, effective plan look like--one that would leave the U.S. bothenvironmentally safe and economically so

--Would you like some noodles, Celia

--Yes, just___________, please.

A thief who broke into a church was caught because traces of wax, found on hisclothes, __________from the sort of candles used only in churches.

Passage 2

Americans today don′t place a very high value on intellect. Our heroes are athletes,

entertainers, and entrepreneurs, not scholars. Even our schools are where we send our children to geta practical education--not to pursue knowledge for the sake of knowledge. Symptoms of pervasiveanti-intellectualism in our schools aren′t difficult to fred.

"Schools have always been in a society where practical is more important than intellectual,"says education writer Diane Ravitch."Schools could be a counterbalance." Ravitch′s latest book,Left Back: A Century of Failed School Reforms, traces the roots of anti-intellectualism in ourschools, concluding they are anything but a counterbalance to the American distaste for intellectualpursuits.

But they could and should be. Encouraging kids to reject the life of the mind leaves themvulnerable to exploitation and control. Without the ability to think critically, to defend their ideasand understand the ideas of others, they cannot fully participate in our democracy. Continuing alongthis path, says writer Earl Shorris, "We will become a second-rate country. We will have a less civilsociety."

"Intellect is resented as a form of power or privilege," writes historian and professor RichardHofstadter in Anti-Intellectualism in American Life, a Pulitzer-Prize winning book on the roots ofanti-intellectualism in uspolitics, religion, and education. From the beginning of our history, saysHofstadter, our democratic and populist urges have driven us to reject anything that smells of elitism.

Practicality, common sense, and native intelligence have been considered more noble qualities thananything you could learn from a book.

Ralph Waldo Emerson and other Transcendentalist philosophers thought schooling andrigorous book learning put unnatural restraints on children: "We are shut up in schools and collegerecitation rooms for 10 or 15 years and come out at last with a bellyful of words and do not kn

Passage 2

Americans today don′t place a very high value on intellect. Our heroes are athletes,

entertainers, and entrepreneurs, not scholars. Even our schools are where we send our children to geta practical education--not to pursue knowledge for the sake of knowledge. Symptoms of pervasiveanti-intellectualism in our schools aren′t difficult to fred.

"Schools have always been in a society where practical is more important than intellectual,"says education writer Diane Ravitch."Schools could be a counterbalance." Ravitch′s latest book,Left Back: A Century of Failed School Reforms, traces the roots of anti-intellectualism in ourschools, concluding they are anything but a counterbalance to the American distaste for intellectualpursuits.

But they could and should be. Encouraging kids to reject the life of the mind leaves themvulnerable to exploitation and control. Without the ability to think critically, to defend their ideasand understand the ideas of others, they cannot fully participate in our democracy. Continuing alongthis path, says writer Earl Shorris, "We will become a second-rate country. We will have a less civilsociety."

"Intellect is resented as a form of power or privilege," writes historian and professor RichardHofstadter in Anti-Intellectualism in American Life, a Pulitzer-Prize winning book on the roots ofanti-intellectualism in uspolitics, religion, and education. From the beginning of our history, saysHofstadter, our democratic and populist urges have driven us to reject anything that smells of elitism.

Practicality, common sense, and native intelligence have been considered more noble qualities thananything you could learn from a book.

Ralph Waldo Emerson and other Transcendentalist philosophers thought schooling andrigorous book learning put unnatural restraints on children: "We are shut up in schools and collegerecitation rooms for 10 or 15 years and come out at last with a bellyful of words and do not kn

Passage 2

Americans today don′t place a very high value on intellect. Our heroes are athletes,

entertainers, and entrepreneurs, not scholars. Even our schools are where we send our children to geta practical education--not to pursue knowledge for the sake of knowledge. Symptoms of pervasiveanti-intellectualism in our schools aren′t difficult to fred.

"Schools have always been in a society where practical is more important than intellectual,"says education writer Diane Ravitch."Schools could be a counterbalance." Ravitch′s latest book,Left Back: A Century of Failed School Reforms, traces the roots of anti-intellectualism in ourschools, concluding they are anything but a counterbalance to the American distaste for intellectualpursuits.

But they could and should be. Encouraging kids to reject the life of the mind leaves themvulnerable to exploitation and control. Without the ability to think critically, to defend their ideasand understand the ideas of others, they cannot fully participate in our democracy. Continuing alongthis path, says writer Earl Shorris, "We will become a second-rate country. We will have a less civilsociety."

"Intellect is resented as a form of power or privilege," writes historian and professor RichardHofstadter in Anti-Intellectualism in American Life, a Pulitzer-Prize winning book on the roots ofanti-intellectualism in uspolitics, religion, and education. From the beginning of our history, saysHofstadter, our democratic and populist urges have driven us to reject anything that smells of elitism.

Practicality, common sense, and native intelligence have been considered more noble qualities thananything you could learn from a book.

Ralph Waldo Emerson and other Transcendentalist philosophers thought schooling andrigorous book learning put unnatural restraints on children: "We are shut up in schools and collegerecitation rooms for 10 or 15 years and come out at last with a bellyful of words and do not kn

Passage 2

Americans today don′t place a very high value on intellect. Our heroes are athletes,

entertainers, and entrepreneurs, not scholars. Even our schools are where we send our children to geta practical education--not to pursue knowledge for the sake of knowledge. Symptoms of pervasiveanti-intellectualism in our schools aren′t difficult to fred.

"Schools have always been in a society where practical is more important than intellectual,"says education writer Diane Ravitch."Schools could be a counterbalance." Ravitch′s latest book,Left Back: A Century of Failed School Reforms, traces the roots of anti-intellectualism in ourschools, concluding they are anything but a counterbalance to the American distaste for intellectualpursuits.

But they could and should be. Encouraging kids to reject the life of the mind leaves themvulnerable to exploitation and control. Without the ability to think critically, to defend their ideasand understand the ideas of others, they cannot fully participate in our democracy. Continuing alongthis path, says writer Earl Shorris, "We will become a second-rate country. We will have a less civilsociety."

"Intellect is resented as a form of power or privilege," writes historian and professor RichardHofstadter in Anti-Intellectualism in American Life, a Pulitzer-Prize winning book on the roots ofanti-intellectualism in uspolitics, religion, and education. From the beginning of our history, saysHofstadter, our democratic and populist urges have driven us to reject anything that smells of elitism.

Practicality, common sense, and native intelligence have been considered more noble qualities thananything you could learn from a book.

Ralph Waldo Emerson and other Transcendentalist philosophers thought schooling andrigorous book learning put unnatural restraints on children: "We are shut up in schools and collegerecitation rooms for 10 or 15 years and come out at last with a bellyful of words and do not kn

Passage 2

Americans today don′t place a very high value on intellect. Our heroes are athletes,

entertainers, and entrepreneurs, not scholars. Even our schools are where we send our children to geta practical education--not to pursue knowledge for the sake of knowledge. Symptoms of pervasiveanti-intellectualism in our schools aren′t difficult to fred.

"Schools have always been in a society where practical is more important than intellectual,"says education writer Diane Ravitch."Schools could be a counterbalance." Ravitch′s latest book,Left Back: A Century of Failed School Reforms, traces the roots of anti-intellectualism in ourschools, concluding they are anything but a counterbalance to the American distaste for intellectualpursuits.

But they could and should be. Encouraging kids to reject the life of the mind leaves themvulnerable to exploitation and control. Without the ability to think critically, to defend their ideasand understand the ideas of others, they cannot fully participate in our democracy. Continuing alongthis path, says writer Earl Shorris, "We will become a second-rate country. We will have a less civilsociety."

"Intellect is resented as a form of power or privilege," writes historian and professor RichardHofstadter in Anti-Intellectualism in American Life, a Pulitzer-Prize winning book on the roots ofanti-intellectualism in uspolitics, religion, and education. From the beginning of our history, saysHofstadter, our democratic and populist urges have driven us to reject anything that smells of elitism.

Practicality, common sense, and native intelligence have been considered more noble qualities thananything you could learn from a book.

Ralph Waldo Emerson and other Transcendentalist philosophers thought schooling andrigorous book learning put unnatural restraints on children: "We are shut up in schools and collegerecitation rooms for 10 or 15 years and come out at last with a bellyful of words and do not kn

The authorities have refused to __________ him a visa to visit the US.

The teacher__________ his lesson with pictures.

--Why does John speak through every discussion but never listen to the others

--That what he ___________ do, we used to hate that, but are used to it now.

According to Chomsky,__________ refers to the actual realization of user′s knowledge of therules of his language in utterances.

My train arrives in New York at eight o′ clock tonight. The plane I would like to take fromthere__________by then.

The bell rang and every student had to __________ their examination papers.

__________assessment is based on a fixed standard that is usually the ultimate goal which thestudents are expected to achieve at the end of the course.

The morpheme "-ee-" in the word "geese" is a

Which of the following shows the proper pronunciation of the word "should" in the sentence"What should we do"

He became very___________ when he found the disloyalty of his wife.